Ancillary 11. Canoe and Kayak manuscript

Renovations continue. Thanks for your patience.

Failed attempt to publish the first version of
In Defence of Arthur Moffatt.

April 2015.
After consultation with the editor of Canoe&Kayak, I submitted the following eight items: Main text (both print and digital editions), Bibliography and five Appendices.
This version, which omitted accusers’ names, was accepted for publication.
Later, at the request of the editor, I added accusers’ names.
As well, I provided ~eight of Pessl’s photos.
June 2015.
What were to have been the print and digital editions of the Main text were posted online
http://www.canoekayak.com/canoe/in-defense-of-arthur-moffatt/#5UIXv2RETJtWMQwt.97 ,

In Defense of Arthur Moffatt (Unabridged Version)


The subtitle of both. Allan Jacobs on why the conventional wisdom about Arthur Moffatt is wrong.
Aside. The software occasionally displays material from these two URLs; if it continues to do so, I might mangle them.
18 October 2015.
All eight items were submitted in final form. No response was received.
28 January 2016.
Text of my message. Just wondering how things are going.
No response was received.
9 June 2016.
Given
that the Bibliography and none of the Appendices had not been published in any form, and
that I had received no reply to my enquiry (that of 28 January) regarding the publication status of the remaining items, and
that the contents were now hopelessly outdated by the results of my further research,
I withdrew all items from consideration for publication.
I received no response to my withdrawal notice.
In fairness, both the print and the digital versions of the main text were available online when last I looked.

Internal URLs.

These URLS are provided for navigation within the blog.
URLs for accessing the following items from outside the blog are provided elsewhere.
Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and Weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Ancillary 10. My sources.
Ancillary 11. Canoe&Kayak manuscript.
Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Edition of 14 March 2018.

Ancillary 13. Timeline of the primary Moffatt literature

Renovations continue. Thanks for your patience.

Ancillary 13. Timeline of the primary Moffatt literature.

Items listed below include the publications of the trip participants, the publications of Moffatt’s primary accusers, and two personal items.
Items of what I call the secondary Moffatt literature are listed in the corresponding part of the Bibliography.
The accusations are addressed in Ancillary 1. Accusations.

1955.
Publication of participant LeFavour’s four articles in the Evening Recorder, Amsterdam NY, 27 through 30 December (1955).
The articles are not accessible to the public. I possess only the third (thanks to him), which provides evidence regarding both the fatal rapids and the food on board on 14 September.
If the reader will excuse a comment. As best I know, no Moffatt accuser was aware of any LeFavour evidence.

1959.
Publication of the Sports Illustrated article.
Part 1, 9 March. Man against the Barren Grounds. [pp 68-76].
Part 2, 16 March. Danger and Sacrifice. [pp 80-88].
Reader responses to both parts were posted at
http://www.si.com/vault/1959/04/06/604104/19th-hole-the-readers-take-over
The editor had full access to Moffatt’s journal, edited excerpts from which comprise much of the article.
Other contents include Moffatt’s prospectus for the trip, photographs of the participants and thumbnails of them, a map of the route, the New York Times article regarding arrival in Baker Lake, a condensation of Lanouette’s journal for the day of the tragedy, and an Epilogue (which contains major contributions from participant Grinnell).

1978.
Publication of the book of Alex Inglis.
Northern Vagabond. The Life and Career of J B Tyrrell – the Man Who Conquered the Canadian North. McClelland and Stewart. (1978).
If the reader will excuse a comment. The book went unnoticed in the subsequent literature.

1988.
Publication of participant Grinnell’s article.
Canoe. July 1988, pp 18-21 and 56.

Undated assertions made prior to 1996.
The only known source regarding these assertions is George Luste’s comments in Grinnell’s book [pp 293&294].
If the reader will excuse two comments. I possess
no information regarding when the assertions were made, or their authors, or their source/s, and
no evidence that the assertions influenced the later literature.

1996.
Publication of participant Grinnell’s book.
Grinnell, George J. A Death on the Barrens. A True Story.
Recently, I purchased the 2010 edition; I have not looked at the 2005 edition.
If the reader will excuse some comments.
I agree with Pessl [private correspondence] that the 2010 edition differs significantly from that of 1996. But the two agree regarding the evidence presented regarding Lanouette’s evidence for 14 September.
As best I know, the Moffatt literature is based entirely on the 1996 edition, and so all my comments in the following are based on it alone.
Opinion. The book is the most important publication of the accusatory literature.

1996.
Publication of reviews of Grinnell’s book by James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
Che-Mun Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 & 11.
If the reader will excuse a comment, both Murphy and MacDonald provided more than reviews.

2000.
Publication of two short articles regarding the Moffatt trip.
Peake, Michael.
Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000.
1. 1955: A Tale of Two Trips. p 4.
http://www.canoe.ca/che-mun/99two.html
2. The Tragic Trips…1955 – The Moffat Dubawnt River trip. pp 5&6.

2005.
Publication of the two Mahler-Thum articles, identical at first glance.
1. Che-Mun. Outfit 122, Autumn 2005, starting on page 4.
http://www.ottertooth.com/che-mun/122/chemun122.pdf
2. Feature Story in the Advanced Paddler section at canoeing.com.
http://www.canoeing.com/advanced/feature/deadmansriver.htm

2012.
1. Publication of Kesselheim’s article in Canoe&Kayak; it contains contributions from participant Pessl. Follow-up material was published in the issues of July 2012 (p 14) and August 2012 (p 12).
2. Publication of Kingsley’s first online article.
In a most dreadful sort of paradise. Up Here. May 2012; pp 88, 90 & 91.
http://www.jenniferkingsley.ca/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/looking-back-May-2012-Moffatt-pdf-.pdf

2013.
1. Publication of Kingsley’s second online article.
Back and Beyond. Lake. Issue 6 (2013); pp 12-14.
http://www.jenniferkingsley.ca/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Lake_Back-and-Beyond_2011pdf.pdf
2. Publication of participant Pessl’s article.
The Fateful 1955 Dubawnt River Trip. Nastawgan. Summer 2013. Vol 70, No 2.
http://www.myccr.com/sites/default/files/storage/CCR%20pdf/Nastawgan/summer_13.pdf

2014.
1. Publication of Kingsley’s book. Paddle North. Adventure, Resilience and Renewal in the Arctic Wild. Greystone Books, Vancouver/Berkeley (2014).
Moffatt material is confined to pages 185-189 and 220.
2. Publication of Pessl’s book.
Barren Grounds. The Story of the Tragic Moffatt Canoe Trip. Dartmouth College Press, Hanover, NH (2014).
Pessl provides copious amounts of new evidence, notes on trip planning, excerpts from his journal and that of fellow participant Peter Franck, a comparison with the progress of the Tyrrell-Tyrrell trip of 1893, an Epilogue and a list of nontravel days.
I possess no evidence that Pessl knew of any Kingsley publication.
3. Pessl’s talk (the Second Annual Luste Lecture, 13 November; unpublished) at the Canadian Canoe Museum.
http://www.canoemuseum.ca/blog/2014/11/13/highlights-of-the-2014-luste-lecture
4. Publication of my Nastawgan article (Winter issue, 2014, pp 16-19). It contains a review of that Pessl talk, plus related material.
http://www.myccr.com/sites/default/files/storage/CCR%20pdf/Nastawgan/winter_2014.pdf

Comments regarding the 2012-2014 literature.
1. Kingsley knew of Pessl’s contribution to Kesselheim’s article of 2012, but made only incidental mention of it. I possess no evidence, and I doubt, that Kingsley knew of either Pessl’s Nastawgan article (2013) or his book (2014).
2. I possess no evidence, and I doubt, that Pessl knew of any Kingsley publication.

2015 and 2016. A personal item.
Failed attempt on my part to publish the first version of In Defence of Arthur Moffatt.
Reference. Ancillary 11. Canoe&Kayak manuscript.

19 September 2016. A second personal item.
Announcement at Canadian Canoe Routes of the opening of my blog In Defence of Arthur Moffatt to public view.
http://www.myccr.com/phpbbforum/viewtopic.php?f=16&t=45362
A few days earlier, I had informed several interested parties that the blog was open for viewing.

Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.

Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.

I am profoundly grateful to trip participants Fred “Skip” Pessl, Ed “Joe” Lanouette and Bruce LeFavour for their generous and extensive assistance with my research. They kindly and most patiently informed me, without guiding me, as I stumbled along the path to understand the tragedy. They supplied copies of much of the source material cited in my bibliography; I would have had considerable difficulty otherwise. Indeed, I would not have so much as known of the existence of some material.
In more detail:
Pessl provided excerpts from Moffatt’s journal.
Lanouette provided his full journal for 14 September (only a condensation was provided in the SI article of 1959). And he gave permission to post his full journal, as transcribed his daughter Elizabeth Emge.
LeFavour provided the third of his four newspaper articles.
As well, all three corresponded privately as well.
I hope that I have honoured the trust that they placed in me.
But responsibility for all errors, especially those of judgment, belongs to me alone.

Thanks also to the following.
George Luste provided keen insights into the tragedy, this early in my research; I much regret that I did not speak more with him while still I could.
Bruce Buttimore assisted in setting up the blog and suggested an important clarification.
Mike Gray loaned his two books regarding the Moffatt expedition.
Elizabeth Emge provided excerpts from the journal of participant Lanouette (her father). And she is now providing his complete journal.
Mathieu Sabourin (Library and Archives, Canada) provided a highly informative response to my request for information regarding the alleged inquest into Moffatt’s death.
The staff of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library (University of Toronto) made exceptional efforts to assist my access to Tyrrell material.
Lee Sessions provided much needed and much appreciated advice regarding the presentation of the evidence.
Michael Pitt corresponded regarding the fatal rapids.
George Grinnell (participant) corresponded frankly regarding the Epilogue of the Sports Illustrated article. And he responded at the Forum. Foreword and Forum.
David DeMello corresponded regarding the Moffatt route from Wharton Lake to Marjorie Lake, and he posted information at Canadian Canoe Routes regarding the Marjorie-Aberdeen portage.
Les Wilcox suggested an important clarification and provided correspondence regarding the Tyrrell-Moffatt route from Wharton Lake to Marjorie Lake.
Ken McGoogan suggested a more effective introduction to the evidence of Appendix 9.
CCR’s recped pointed out an incorrect URL.

Internal URLs.

These URLS are provided for navigation within the blog.
URLs for accessing the following items from outside the blog are provided elsewhere.
Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and Weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Ancillary 10. My sources.
Ancillary 11. Canoe&Kayak manuscript.
Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Edition of 12 March 2018.

Ancillary 10. My sources.

Renovations continue. Thanks for your patience.

Ancillary 10. My sources.

Tyrrell material.
Items possessed.
The relevant material from the books of J B Tyrrell and J W Tyrrell,
the maps of J B Tyrrell, and
Moffatt’s two letters to J B Tyrrell.
Missing items.
My best efforts failed to obtain the following.
JBT’s response (known to have been made) to Moffatt’s first letter.
JBT’s journal (known to have been possessed by Moffatt and to differ substantially from his book).
Reference.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.

Participant material.
Moffatt, Arthur.
1. Edited excerpts from his journal, as provided in Sports Illustrated. Issues of 9 March 1959 Man against the barrens grounds (pp 68-76) and 16 March 1959 Danger and Sacrifice (pp 80-88).
2. Unedited excerpts provided by Pessl.
Lanouette, Ed “Joe”.
1. His full journal for 14 September 1955 and a portion for the next day.
2. The condensation (I believe it to be a faithful one) of the entry for 14 September, as published in the Sports Illustrated article (pp 85-87).
3. Private correspondence.
4. In progress. His full journal for the trip, as kindly provided by his daughter Elizabeth Emge.
LeFavour, Bruce.
1. The third (only) of his four Evening Recorder articles (1955). It is not publicly available and so did not influence the Moffatt literature prior to my mention of it in 2016.
2. Private correspondence.
Grinnell, George.
1. Art Moffatt’s Wilderness Way to Enlightenment. Canoe (1988). pp 18-21 & 56.
2. A Death on the Barrens. A True Story. Northern Books (1996).
3. A True Story of Courage and Tragedy in the Canadian Arctic. North Atlantic Books (2010). I possess it but made only superficial use of it, this to examine his version of the condensation of Lanouette’s journal for 14 September.
I possess no evidence that the Moffatt literature made of either the 2005 or the 2010 edition.
4. His post at the blog.
5. Private correspondence (one message).
Pessl, Fred “Skip”.
1. Three Canoes. 1.46 Bold Journey. Prod. no. 474. ABC Broadcast of Monday 8 July, 1957. I possess only a summary, but decided to list it, for completeness.
2. Comments published in Kesselheim’s article 57 years Ago. Canoe & Kayak, May 2012, starting on p 46.
As best I know, the article appeared too late to influence the Moffatt literature, except for incidental use by Kingsley.
3. The Fateful 1955 Dubawnt River Trip. Nastawgan. Summer 2013. Vol 70, No 2.
http://www.myccr.com/sites/default/files/storage/CCR%20pdf/Nastawgan/summer_13.pdf
As best I know, the article appeared too late to influence the Moffatt literature.
4. Barren Grounds. The Story of the Tragic Moffatt Canoe Trip. Dartmouth College Press (2014). Excerpts from his journal and that of Franck, plus comments on the previous literature.
As best I know, the book appeared too late to influence the Moffatt literature.
5. Private correspondence.
Franck, Peter.
Excerpts from his journal, as provided in Pessl’s book.

Other sources.
Mathieu Sabourin (Library and Archives, Canada) kindly responded to my request regarding Grinnell’s assertion that an inquest had been held into the death of Arthur Moffatt.

Internal URLs.

These URLS are provided for navigation within the blog.
URLs for accessing the following items from outside the blog are provided elsewhere.
Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and Weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Ancillary 10. My sources.
Ancillary 11. Canoe&Kayak manuscript.
Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Edition of 10 April 2018.

Main text

Renovations continue. Thanks for your patience.

In Defence of Arthur Moffatt.

Introduction.

If everyone agrees what the story was, then it is certainly not true.
[Kenn Harper, Wilderness and Canoeing Symposium (Toronto, February 2018); paraphrased]. https://www.wcsymposium.com/sites/default/files/2018_wcs_program_v10.pdf
As s/he reads the accusations made of Arthur Moffatt from 1959 to 2014, the reader may wish to keep in mind that he was unable to reply to anything written of him.

Summary.

In 1955, Moffatt set out to retrace the central portion of the Tyrrell (J B and J W) expedition of 1893. To guide him, he had obtained assistance from JBT (maps, journal and correspondence), and he had consulted both their books. Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell evidence and the fatal rapids.
The evidence, especially that of participants: Moffatt himself (as provided in his journal), Franck, Lanouette, LeFavour and Pessl,
reveals every accusation made of him to be false, save the six documented below. Of these, five are trivial; the sole substantive accusation (that regarding the rapids where Moffatt died) is addressed immediately below.
The efforts of Moffatt’s defamers were outstandingly successful, for they led the entire paddling community (including senior and highly respected members of it), plus members of the general public, to believe for 55 years that he died due to what might be called incompetence. I refer the reader to the corresponding two parts, the primary and secondary accusatory literature, of the Bibliography.
The methods used to defame Moffatt were redactions (especially of two exculpatory evidences regarding the rapids where he died), alternative facts, fabrications and misrepresentations.
And it is not beside the point that the dead are easy targets for bullies.

The cause of Moffatt’s death.

Because of the overriding importance of the matter, I provide some evidence regarding the rapids where he died. The full evidence, plus discussion of the related assertions of Moffatt’s defamers, is provided in the following.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Evidence 1. Although reaches of the Dubawnt River are highly dangerous, the Moffatt party had experienced not one dump, not one pin and but one swamp in the eleven weeks prior to Moffatt’s death on 14 September 1955.
Opinion. This success was due in large part to the advice provided to Moffatt by J B Tyrrell, and so I suggest that Moffatt had learned to trust it.

Evidence 2. J B Tyrrell’s map (possessed by Moffatt) does not show the rapids where rapids where Moffatt died; they lie on the reach between the turn to the north and what is now known as Marjorie Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-6-1893

Evidence 3.
J W Tyrrell’s book (possessed by Moffatt) makes no mention of the rapids where he died.
J B Tyrrell’s book (also possessed by Moffatt) also makes no mention of the fatal rapids; indeed, there JBT refers to the reach where he died only as a wide shallow rapid stream.
Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell evidence and the fatal rapids.

Evidence 4. On 13 September, the party ran without incident two rapids (those with descents…of 15 and 6 feet), then began the portage of 18 chains (400 yards). Those two rapids and the portage were found to be just as described by JBT, in Evidences 2 and 3. The portage was completed in the morning of 14 September.
And so J B Tyrrell’s advice had proved reliable even to the morning of the day that Moffatt died.

Intermediate summary.
None of the Tyrrell evidence available to Moffatt (I include specifically JBT’s journal and his response to Moffatt’s first letter) suggested that the rapids where Moffatt died (the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake [Lanouette, next item]) were at all significant.
I provide next the evidence of the participants regarding those very rapids.

Evidence 5. That of participant Lanouette.
The full journal of Moffatt’s bowperson for the day of Moffatt’s death is provided in Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt
Sports Illustrated published what I assess to be a faithful condensation of it. [SI article, p 85 (1959)].
Both the full journal and the condensation contain the three-sentence passage
This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids.
Comment. Moffatt died in the first rapids and those that followed.
Conclusion. Those three sentences, especially the surprised comment, provide the key to understanding the cause of Moffatt’s death. He knew there to be two rapids below the portage, but had been incorrectly advised (by J B Tyrrell) regarding their severity.
Unfortunately for Moffatt’s reputation, only one accuser of the many who wrote about Moffatt’s death noticed that passage and realized/knew its significance; that person was participant Grinnell.

Evidence 6. That of participant LeFavour for 13 September.
The river between Wharton and Marjorie Lakes…had been traveled by Tyrrell in his trip 60 years before and was described in his journal: there were five rapids, the first two rough but shootable, the third long and heavy requiring a portage of a mile and the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. Because this route was described we took it, being careful to look over the first two which were indeed rough. Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken.
Aside. I note that LeFavour refers to J B Tyrrell’s journal as the source,
not to his book (which makes no mention of the rapids where Moffatt died) and
not to JBT’s letter (contents unknown) to Moffatt.
Comments. The first two rapids were run by the Moffatt party on 13 September, without incident; these are the rapids with descents of 15 and 6 feet mentioned in JBT’s book. The Moffatt party began the portage that day and completed it in the morning of 14 September. Moffatt died in the two rapids, apparently easy ones, below the portage.
Summary. LeFavour’s remarks regarding these first three features (the two rapids and the portage) agree completely with those of J B Tyrrell (both in his book and on his map), except for the length of the portage.
Request. I ask that the reader
first note the LeFavour passage Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken,
then reflect on its relevance to the assertion made by the SI editor:
…the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds …In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [SI article, bottom of right column, p 76]

Evidence 7. That of LeFavour for 14 September.
At 3 p.m. we were again on the river…we hoped to get a good way up Marjorie
Lake in the calm before dark. A mile downriver the roar of the next rapid reached our ears… As we coasted into the top of it all appeared to be well. You could see the bottom, the water, though white, was apparently shootable. Tyrrell had indicated by his neglect that the rapid was an easy one, and it seemed to be just that.

A request.
Please note in particular the passage
Tyrrell had indicated by his neglect that the rapid was an easy one
and so its relevance to assertions (like that made by the SI editor) regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death.

Evidence 8. That of Pessl.
We were following Tyrrell’s journal description of the river conditions approaching Marjorie Lake. Tyrrell’s river descriptions had proven dependable previously and indicated benign conditions entering Marjorie Lake following the last portage. [private correspondence]
Clarification. The last portage is the one completed in the morning of 14 September.

Comments.
I possess no evidence of participant Franck.
The above mentions no evidence of participant Grinnell; his contribution to our understanding of the cause of Moffatt’s death is documented below

Summary and foretaste.
Only when it was too late to bail out and escape to shore did Moffatt realise that J B Tyrrell’s advice (which had proved worthy of his trust for the previous 11 weeks of the trip) had failed him in the afternoon of 14 September 1955; he could only tough it out. But his canoe capsized and he died of hypothermia an hour or so later.
Exculpatory evidence regarding the cause was redacted by Grinnell (and, as I document later, also by the Sports Illustrated editor, who had been in contact with Grinnell).
Had but one person other than Grinnell noticed that passage, realised its significance, and acted accordingly, the accusatory literature might well have perished in its infancy. In fairness though, independent contributions (falsehoods, fabrications and misrepresentations of evidence) to the defamation of Arthur Moffatt were made in the literature that followed, to and including that of 2014.
The remainder of the blog (the remainder of the Main text, the Appendices, the Ancillaries, etc) is provided for readers who wish to see the corresponding documentation.

The assertions regarding the fatal rapids.

Comment. The following items are called assertions because no evidence was provided, even cited, in support of them.
Assertion 1. …the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds …In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [Sports Illustrated, bottom of right column, p 76]
Assertion 2. Increasingly, the men were taking chances. They now shot down churning chutes of white water which, a month earlier, they would have scrutinized with a doubtful eye. [SI, top of right column, p 82]
Response. The evidence presented above and also in
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids
leads me to conclude that both assertions of the SI| editor are falsehoods.
Hypothesis. The three assertions that follow were inspired by those of the SI editor.
Assertion 3. …misjudging Tyrrell’s descriptions of the rapids they would encounter before entering Marjorie Lake… [Inglis, 1979]
Assertion 4. …Moffatt died of exposure after they dumped in a large rapid they did not scout. [Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000].
Assertion 5. The men talked less and took more risks. On September 14th,… all three boats plunged over two sets of waterfalls the paddlers hadn’t bothered to scout…. [Kingsley, Paddle North, top of p 189, 2014]
Conclusion. I see no need to say more regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death.

Aside. I expect that many paddlers have run rapids without scouting them. Indeed, that act is so common as to have acquired a title, namely making a blind probe. Countless parties have made blind probes and gotten through successfully, but others have dumped. Indeed, two of Moffatt’s primary accusers (Murphy and Thum) had the courage and the integrity to state that they had dumped because they had not scouted rapids.
But I see a key difference.
Whereas the dumps of Murphy and Thum resulted (I expect) from carelessness, namely making a blind probe, that of Moffatt did not. His dump resulted solely from incorrect advice provided by a source that he had learned to trust over the previous eleven weeks. To repeat, J B Tyrrell had advised Moffatt that there were no significant rapids in the reach remaining above Marjorie Lake, and so he led the way down them, without a scout, to his death.
The corresponding evidence of George Luste regarding the fatal rapids.
Art Moffatt, following Tyrrell’s notes, was not expecting the rapid in which he swamped and then died. [Grinnell book, p 284].
But Luste’s evidence was ignored by every accuser. Deserving of explicit mention are Grinnell himself (in that very book) and Murphy (in what he alleged to be a review of Grinnell’s book).

The evidentiary basis of the accusatory literature.

With one exception, the only participant evidence available to those who wrote in the period between 1955 and 2014 (publication of Pessl’s book) was that provided in three publications:
the SI article (1959), Grinnell’s article (1988) and Grinnell’s book (1996).
The exception. Kingsley [Paddle North, top of p 202 (2014)] made incidental mention of the Pessl comment People revealed themselves as imperfect [Kesselheim, Canoe & Kayak (2012)].
Elaboration. The SI article contains edited selections from Moffatt’s journal, plus a faithful condensation of the journal of Lanouette (Moffatt’s bowperson) for the day of Moffatt’s death.

The redactions.

Perhaps the most effective technique used to defame Moffatt was the redaction of exculpatory evidence.
Apology. Much of the following was provided above; but I felt the need to repeat it here.

The redaction made by the Sports Illustrated editor.
Moffatt’s full journal for 13 September is provided in Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
What interpretation of the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route contained there is possible
but that Moffatt had possessed route advice from Tyrrell (J B, not J W)
and that he was following it?
Conjecture. Moffatt did not ignore Tyrrell’s advice the very next day, when he died.
The redaction.
On comparing the original with the SI editor’s version [SI article, bottom of the right column, page 82], one sees that the editor redacted the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route.
The question.
Given the interpretation of that phrase, what interpretation of the editor’s redaction of it is plausible but s/he had set out to deceive her/his readers regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death?

The redaction made by participant Grinnell.

The evidence of participant Lanouette.
1. Lanouette (Moffatt’s bowperson) had provided his full journal for 14 September to the SI editor. Reference. Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
2. A condensation of that journal entry was provided in the SI article. [pp 85-87] Comparison with the original leads me to conclude that the condensation is a faithful one.
3. Opinion. The key to understanding the cause of Moffatt’s death is the following three-sentence passage in the condensation.
This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids. [p 85]
4. Interpretation. Lanouette and Moffatt were surprised because J B Tyrrell had advised Moffatt that the first rapids (and those that followed, those where he died) were of no concern. That is, I believe the passage to be exculpatory.
5. This evidence of Lanouette escaped the attention of every person who wrote about Moffatt’s death, notably the SI editor (who appears not to have read her/his own article), save one, namely Grinnell.

Grinnell’s redaction.
In his book, Grinnell provided the complete SI condensation, with one and only one difference:
He redacted the entire three-sentence passage This surprised…the first rapids, and replaced it with an ellipsis. [Grinnell book (1996), p 202]

The question.
Given the interpretation of that passage, what interpretation of Grinnell’s redaction of it is plausible but that he had set out to deceive his readers regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death?

The collaboration of the Sports Illustrated editor and Grinnell.
Given
1. the redaction of exculpatory evidence made by the SI editor and
2. the redaction of exculpatory evidence made by Grinnell,
it disturbs me that they had been in contact before the publication of SI article, the very first item of the accusatory literature. The corresponding evidence is provided in the Appendix of that article, in which the editor provides Grinnell evidence regarding death by hypothermia, the rescues, the revised plan to reach Baker Lake, the crossing of Aberdeen Lake, etc. Given that Grinnell’s first publication (his Canoe article of 1988) appeared 29 years later, the two must have corresponded, at the very least. Indeed, I possess evidence that they had met through intermediaries, perhaps even in person.
Comment.
Given
1. that both the SI editor and Grinnell redacted exculpatory evidence regarding Moffatt’s decision to run the fatal rapids without a scout, and
2. that (as documented elsewhere) both knowingly made false assertions (especially regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death), and
3. that they had collaborated in the writing of the Appendix of the SI article,
the thought crossed my mind that the SI editor and Grinnell had colluded to defame Arthur Moffatt.

The character of the Moffatt literature and the accusations made of him.

Given that Moffatt was unable to defend himself, his defamers had free rein. The evidence leads me to conclude that many defamers took maximal advantage of that fact.
In all the publications made over those 55 years, in not one instance was evidence provided in support of an accusation. That is, the accusatory literature consists of nothing but assertions.
I documented above the redactions (I suggest them to have been coordinated) made by the SI editor and by Grinnell.
Other means were used to defame Moffatt, namely falsehoods, fabrications and misrepresentations. But there are so many of each that it would destroy the flow even to list here only the major items. I refer the reader to the correspondingly entitled paragraph provided in Ancillary 1. Accusations.
I found it to be a much simpler task to list every true accusation.

The true accusations.
In more than three years of research into Moffatt’s death, I found only six true accusations to have made in the 55 years of the accusatory literature.
True accusation 1. The three spare paddles had been left behind in Stony Rapids.
Response. They were delivered the very next day.
Opinion. Picking of the little red fruit.
True accusation 2. The party did not take a radio.
Response. Moffatt requested, but was refused, permission to carry a radio. Perhaps it bears explicit mention that possession of one would not have averted his death.
Opinion. Picking of the little red fruit.
True accusation 3. There was a dispute regarding the sugar supply.
Response. The matter was resolved on 29 July.
Opinion. Picking of the little red fruit.
True accusation 4. Moffatt had used a bowl larger than the others.
Response. Beginning on 22 August, he used a bowl of the same size as the others.
Opinion. Picking of the little red fruit.
True accusation 5. running scared
The source was Moffatt’s comment we’re all running scared in his journal entry (provided in full below) for 10 September.
Opinion. Picking of the little red fruit.
True accusation 6. The rapids where Moffatt died had not been scouted.
I refer the reader to the evidence presented above, more completely in the following.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

The evidentiary basis of the accusatory literature.

I define this basis to be the evidence of the participants.

The evidence of Moffatt
was available only in the form of edited excerpts from his journal, as provided in the Sports Illustrated article.
I remind the reader that the SI editor redacted the exculpatory phrase Following Tyrrell’s route from Moffatt’s last journal entry (that for 13 September) and that the editor made assertions that are falsified by the contents of his journal.
I conclude that no content of the Sports Illustrated article is to be believed, save what is verified by reliable source/s. Particularly undeserving of the reader’s trust are what are alleged to be passages from Moffatt’s journal.

The evidence of Lanouette,
which I trust completely, was available in the form of the faithful condensation (provided in the SI article) of his journal for 14 September.
That evidence (which I assess to be exculpatory) was ignored by every accuser (especially the SI editor) for the entire 55 years of the Moffatt literature, save by Grinnell.

The evidence of Grinnell.
I remind the reader that, in his book, Grinnell redacted the exculpatory passage This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids from his version of the evidence of Lanouette.
That redaction, alone and in itself, leads me to conclude that no content of either Grinnell’s article (1988) or his book (1996) is to be believed in the first instance.
Aside. I have yet to document fully, even so much as to count, the accusations made by Grinnell, many of which are known to be false in one way or another. That task is on my to-do list; the result will be posted in Ancillary 1. Accusations.

The evidence of LeFavour
is completely worthy of the reader’s trust. It was unavailable until he provided me with the key third of the four articles and gave permission to publish its contents.

The evidence of Pessl and Frank
is completely worthy of the reader’s trust. But it appeared too late to influence the literature (except for that incidental mention by Kingsley).

Summary.
The evidentiary basis of the entire 55 years of Moffatt literature consists solely of material provided in the SI article, in Grinnell’s article and in Grinnell’s book.
But the evidence leads me to conclude that nothing in these three publications can be trusted, save what is verified by reliable source/s.

Conclusion.
The entire accusatory literature, primary and secondary alike, has the substance of a house of cards.

The character of Arthur Moffatt.
A US citizen, he volunteered to join the British army well before December 1941. For four years, he served in the campaigns in Africa and Italy.
But he was not a combatant, for he was a pacifist. He was rather an ambulance driver; he took the wounded and the dying from the very front of the battles to the aid stations at the rear, no job for a coward.
Let the reader compare his character with that of those who knowingly made false accusations of a person unable to respond. The Sports Illustrated editor and Grinnell come immediately to mind.
Let the reader compare his character with that of Bob Thum, who retraced Moffatt’s route solely to show up a dead man.

The mission of the Moffatt party.
In 1955, Moffatt set out to retrace the central portion of the 1893 Tyrrell-Tyrrell (Joseph Burr and James Williams) expedition of the Geological Survey of Canada; this was the reach from Black Lake (on the Fond du Lac River) to Baker Lake (on the Thelon River). To guide him, Moffatt possessed multiple evidences of the Tyrrell brothers.
References. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell items and the fatal rapids, plus other sources.
Moffatt’s was one of first modern trips to paddle the barrenlands; even Eric Morse’s group did not venture there until years later. His was certainly the first party composed entirely of those of European descent to travel any part of the Dubawnt River.
His mission was to document (by film, photos and journal/s) the barrenlands of the Dubawnt/Thelon basin of what is now Nunavut. His was not a recreational trip like that taken by most paddlers, and so I suggest that it not be judged by such standards.
An example. In order to accomplish its mission, the Moffatt party paused as opportunities arose (for example to photograph the caribou and the artefacts left by the native people), and so it could not possibly have had a highly prescriptive schedule. But 11 independent sources attest that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
In particular, Grinnell (in his book) asserts truthfully, repeatedly and consistently that the party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. The reader will soon see what Murphy and MacDonald did with Grinnell’s schedule-related evidence.
Reference. Appendix 7. Schedule.

The evidence of participant Pessl regarding the mission of the Moffatt party.
1. Moffatt had …the grand concept of retracing J. B. Tyrrell’s epic 1893 journey down the Dubawnt River, creating a film documentary about the journey and sharing that experience in print with the wilderness adventure community. [book, p 165]
2. We were filming a canoe journey along a transect that reflected remarkable changes in the wildlife and natural history of the region. It was the journey that mattered and it was the context of that journey that we were committed to record. [book, p 166].
3. In a very different context, Pessl referred to Moffatt’s intention to provide the basis for a coherent, artistic expression of this classic journey… [book, p 167].

The tipping point.

Preliminaries.
1. I documented above the redaction made by the SI editor in her/his article of 1959. One fine day, I’ll compile a list of the falsehoods, the fabrications, etc of the editor.
The first mention of the SI editor’s assertions was made by Inglis in 1978.
2. I possess no evidence that any accuser knew of the fabrications and misrepresentations of the historian Alex Inglis, made in his book Northern Vagabond. The Life and Career of J B Tyrrell – the Man Who Conquered the Canadian North. McClelland and Stewart. (1978) [pp 52&54]
3. It is on my to-do list first to count, then to document fully, the fabrications and misrepresentations published in Grinnell’s article (1988). But the article went unnoticed until the publication of Grinnell’s book (1996).
4. I provide elsewhere Luste’s list of accusations (dates and authors unknown) made prior to the publication of Grinnell’s book (1996 edition, pp 293&294). Given that no accuser provided a source, the effect of these accusations is not known.
5. A strong candidate for the tipping point is Grinnell’s book of 1996. It contains his redacted version of Lanouette’s journal, plus multiple falsehoods, fabrications and misrepresentations.
It is on my to-do list first to count, then to document fully each of these items.
But I doubt that it would have had much impact had its existence not been made known by Murphy and MacDonald.
Opinion.
The tipping point was the publication of the Murphy-MacDonald articles, which were alleged to be reviews of Grinnell’s book. [Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 & 11].
Certainly those articles broke the dyke; the flood of accusations based on them ebbed only 18 years later, in 2014.
Bibliography.

The triple-header assertion of Murphy.
Lack of food, proper equipment and most importantly, lack of a planned itinerary, contributed to his [Moffatt’s] demise.

Response 1. Food.
Murphy provided no evidence in support of his assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of food, for the excellent reason that no such evidence exists. Indeed, Grinnell’s book (the very subject of Murphy’s review) documents that food was plentiful, on the whole, in the six weeks before Moffatt’s death.
I point out to Murphy only two items contained in Grinnell’s book, the very subject of his review.
Over the ensuing weeks… we killed our third, fourth and fifth caribous… [p 156].
…we saw…a stack of cardboard boxes with cans of dehydrated vegetables inside… We…raided the dump. [7 September, pp 180&181]
In addition, I provide the following evidence (not known to Murphy) of participant LeFavour for 13 September, the day before Moffatt died. Up to that point we had shot five caribou and by doing so had saved enough meat to see us through. Now it was not even necessary to spend time hunting. [The Evening Recorder, Amsterdam NY. Part 3 of 4, page 8, 29 December (1955).]
Conclusion. Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to Lack of food is a falsehood.
Reference. Appendix 6. Food.

Response 2. Equipment.
Murphy provided no evidence in support of his assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of proper equipment, for the excellent reason that no such evidence exists.
Inspection reveals Murphy’s source to have been Luste’s equipment recommendations for paddlers circa 1996. It appears necessary to point out to Murphy that such equipment was not available 41 years earlier.
Comment. I possess no evidence that Moffatt’s equipment was not up-to-date for the times.
Conclusion. Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to Lack of…proper equipment is a falsehood.
Reference. Appendix 3. Equipment.

Response 3. Schedule. Murphy provided no evidence in support of his assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of a planned itinerary (what most would call lack of a schedule), for the excellent reason that no such evidence exists.
Begin aside. The winds in particular forbid any barrenlands party to have a highly prescriptive schedule, the extreme case being a day-by-day one. Even the Tyrrell party of 1893 was forced to stay in camp on occasion. End aside.
I refer Murphy to the evidence provided in Grinnell’s book, the very subject of Murphy’s review. There, Grinnell asserted truthfully, repeatedly and consistently that there was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. In all, 11 independent sources attest that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Reference. The Summary provided in Appendix 7. Schedule
Conclusion. Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of a schedule is a falsehood.

The assertions of MacDonald.
1. As the summer-length trip wore on, and the progress of their three Chestnut canoes lapsed further and further behind schedule, anxiousness and impending climax accompanies the daily accounts.
2. One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffat.
MacDonald provided no evidence that Moffatt died due to lack of a pragmatic plan of travel (what most would call lack of a schedule), for the excellent reason that no such evidence exists.
Aside. I refer the reader to corresponding item provided above.
I refer MacDonald to the evidence provided in Grinnell’s book, the very subject of MacDonald’s review.
There, Grinnell asserted truthfully, repeatedly and consistently that there was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. In all, 11 independent sources attest that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Reference. The Summary provided in Appendix 7. Schedule
Conclusion. MacDonald’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of a schedule is a falsehood.

The publications of Thum and Mahler.

Texts identical at first glance were published in
1. Che-Mun. Outfit 122, Autumn 2005, starting on page 4.
http://www.ottertooth.com/che-mun/122/chemun122.pdf
and in
2. Feature Story in the Advanced Paddler section at canoeing.com.
The URL that was active when I announced the opening of the blog to public view.
http://www.canoeing.com/advanced/feature/deadmansriver.htm
I decided to spare the reader (not to mention keep my audience) by referring her/him to Ancillary 1. Accusations for my discussion of their assertions.

The publications of Kingsley.

Kingsley published two articles, then a book in which the Moffatt trip is mentioned.
Publication 1.
In a most dreadful sort of paradise. Up Here. May 2012.
Publication 2.
Back and Beyond. Lake. Issue 6 (2013).
Publication 3.
Paddle North. Adventure, Resilience and Renewal in the Arctic Wild. Greystone Books, Vancouver/Berkeley (2014).
I decided to spare the reader (not to mention keep my audience) by referring her/him to Ancillary 1. Accusations for my discussion of Kingsley’s assertions.

Opinions.

From its inception in 1959 to and including 2014, the accusatory literature consists of nothing but assertions, opinion pieces, and edited versions of previous accusations. In not one case was supporting evidence provided. Not once was a source identified, save the obvious (the reviews of Grinnell’s book). In several instances, the source can have been only the defamer’s imagination. Accusations were accepted and promulgated, indeed embellished, without thought to whether they were true, even to whether they were credible. Exculpatory evidence was redacted twice and ignored on many other occasions. Qualifying evidence was omitted. Evidence was misrepresented. Fabrications were represented as evidence. All too many assertions are conscious untruths. The little red fruit was picked repeatedly by two defamers.
All this of someone unable to defend himself.

Summary.

Over the 55 years of the accusatory literature, literally every accuser got wrong the cause of Moffatt’s death; indeed, some did so with intent.
1.
It is a fabrication that any member of the party lost sense of reality at any time.
It is a fabrication that Grinnell and most of the others had succumbed to a sort of delusion. They felt they were in paradise.
Appendix 1. Reality and Delusion.
2.
It is a falsehood that the party had taken holidays on more than half the days of the trip.
It is a fabrication that an inquest had been held into Moffatt’s death.
Appendix 2. Holidays and Inquest.
3.
It is a falsehood that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of proper equipment.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
4.
It is a fabrication that the party was inexperienced.
It is a fabrication that the leadership was poor.
Appendix 4. Experience.
5.
It a falsehood that the party raced down the river in September in order to escape the onset of winter.
Appendix 5. Pace and weather.
6.
It is a falsehood that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of food.
It is a falsehood that the caribou were long gone.
Appendix 6. Food.
7.
It is a falsehood that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
8.
It is a falsehood that the fatal rapids were run in desperate haste, that Moffatt took the ultimate chance in running them.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Personal reflections.
Moffatt did not paddle the Dubawnt in order to build his self-esteem by proving himself to himself or to anyone else. A pacifist who served for four years at the very front of the battles in Africa and Italy has no need to prove anything to anyone.
Rather, Moffatt set out to document the barrenlands by means of film, photos and journals. Perhaps he went also to experience the barrens, to immerse himself in it, to understand it at least in part, to appreciate it. Perhaps he had hoped to establish himself as a wilderness writer. Perhaps he already had the idea of protecting the barrens. Perhaps he took the trip in part out of respect for the wilderness.
Whatever his motivation, Moffatt was the very antithesis of the conquer-the-wilderness types, the ego-trippers, the self-promoters, the peak-baggers, the river-baggers, in short all those go into the wild with something to prove. He would never have said The real adventure pits man against nature, as alleged in the Sports Illustrated article [top of p 71]. In private correspondence, Pessl confirmed that such a comment is totally out of character for Moffatt; he referred me to the following passage from Grinnell’s book. How ridiculous to “assault a mountain”! How pretentious to plant a flag! How arrogant to stand on top for fifteen minutes and talk of “conquest!” [Grinnell book, p 19]. A similar remark was made in Grinnell’s article [lower left column, p 20]. In both instances, the context was a conversation about the then recent ascent of Everest.
Moffatt was the very antithesis of Bob Thum, who provided the following motivation for his Dubawnt trip of 1966. Moffatt is precisely why we took the trip…I thought experienced trippers could cover Tyrrell’s route safely and skillfully, which we did. [Down a Dead Man’s River, Che-Mun. Outfit 122, Autumn 2005, starting on page 4. http://www.ottertooth.com/che-mun/122/chemun122.pdf
Comment. It certainly took considerable skill to get through to get through many Dubawnt rapids safely. But with respect to the rapids where Moffatt died, the only skill required of Thum was the ability to read the evidence regarding Moffatt’s death.
More generally, such courage, such grace, to bully a dead man.
Opinions.
Arthur Moffatt deserves our respect.
He and his family certainly did not deserve the falsehoods, fabrications and misrepresentations published over 55 years by so many, especially those made by fellow paddlers.

Comments.
The best source for those wishing to learn more about the trip and the tragedy is Pessl’s book. Barren Grounds. The Story of the Tragic Moffatt Canoe Trip. Dartmouth College Press (2014).
With all primary accusations shown to have no basis in the evidence, the way is clear for a new chapter in the Moffatt literature, namely an extended appreciation of him. Such would be rather late (he died sixty years ago), but perhaps someone will take on the job.
I suggest that retractions are in order.

A little about Arthur Moffatt, the person.
He was not the bungling, incompetent fool that so many defamers so successfully portrayed him to be for 55 years.
From the little that I know of him, he was a thoughtful, decent, responsible, indeed admirable, person.

1. Arthur Moffatt was born in 1919, the son of a stable worker on a Long Island estate. At 17, he’d paddled the Albany River in Northern Ontario alone, 500 miles from Sioux Lookout to Hudson’s Bay. He attended Dartmouth College—his father’s employer paid his tuition—and immediately after graduating in 1941, he joined the American Field Service, a volunteer ambulance corps attached to the British Eighth Army. A committed pacifist, Moffatt witnessed some of the bloodiest campaigns of World War II, but never carried a weapon. [Pessl, as reported by Kesselheim, Alan. Canoe & Kayak, May 2012, starting on p 46.]
2. He was a quietly principled man who from an early age lived as best he could, consistent with his principles. … He was a pacifist and volunteered for the American Field service as an ambulance driver, serving in Africa and Italy during World War II. [Pessl book, p 165]
Why did he choose the Dubawnt River?
He had …the grand concept of retracing J. B. Tyrrell’s epic 1893 journey down the Dubawnt River, creating a film documentary about the journey and sharing that experience in print with the wilderness adventure community. [Pessl, p 165]

An appreciation of Arthur Moffatt.
Even after these many years, I grieve Art Moffatt’s death. He was more than my mentor; he was perhaps a second father even though he was only fourteen years older than I. His pacifism, his principled lifestyle, and his view of the world, natural and international, opened my mind, challenged my thoughts, and gave me insight and courage to pursue my own dreams.
I wonder what would have been the future had he survived the Dubawnt and fully developed professionally as an outdoor writer and voice for wild spaces, indigenous peoples, habitat protection, and restraint in Arctic resources development. I believe his impact on our awareness and understanding of the Barrens would have been profound. How might we have better valued the vastness and uniqueness of that ecosystem? How different our understanding and vision of the far north might be today had our Dubawnt adventure ended in celebration instead of tragedy?
Certainly, we would be better informed, perhaps more compassionate in causes of peace, and probably more courageous in advocating to protect and conserve our northern heritage.
[Pessl, p 178].

Comments.
The Moffatt family lost a husband and a father.
The survivors lost their leader, their mentor, their companion, their friend.
The false, abusive accusations of the 55 years that followed likely inflicted much pain on both family and survivors, all of whom no doubt already suffered considerably from the loss. And so I express one last time my thanks to Pessl, Lanouette and LeFavour for their assistance.

Opinions.
The Moffatt story is the most shameful chapter in all the outdoor literature known to me. Even John Hornby (Thelon River, 1927) was treated mildly in comparison.
Of such scholarship, diligence, grace, thought, integrity, humanity, caution, charity, courage, compassion and above all commitment to evidence, is destroyed the reputations of the defenceless innocent, here a fellow paddler to many accusers.
The opinion of Stewart Coffin.
The Moffatt Expedition stands as the pioneering venture in modern recreational canoe travel through the subarctic tundra of northern Canada. [Appalachia Journal. 15 December, 1996.] Mentioned by Pessl (his page 162); thanks to him for providing a copy.

The last word.
George Luste and I were professional colleagues for forty years. I regarded him as a friend. He got me started with serious tripping and he provided much valuable advice. I helped him with the Wilderness and Canoeing Symposium for several years.
He expressed the following opinion of Moffatt’s defamers prior to 1996. I expect that he would have written even more scathingly of those who wrote later.
Let him have the last word.
It seems as if a liberal amount of imagination has been invoked by these writers to change the facts so they fit their preoccupations and desires for culpability. [Grinnell book, 1996, p 294]

URLs of the items of the blog.

Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality and Delusion.
Appendix 2. Holidays and Inquest.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience and Leadership.
Appendix 5. Pace and Weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette evidence and the fatal rapids.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell evidence and the fatal rapids.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Ancillary 10. My sources.
Ancillary 11. Canoe&Kayak manuscript.
Ancillary 12. Acknowledgements.
Ancillary 13. Timeline of the primary Moffatt literature.
Ancillary 14. Opinions.
Ancillary 15. Moffatt’s preparations.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Edition of 13 May 2018.

Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.

Major renovations were completed in early November 2017 but I expect that warts remain.
Thanks for your patience. Allan

Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.

Introduction.
This Ancillary provides all known evidence related to the death of Arthur Moffatt.
So that the reader may assess that evidence unencumbered by my interpretations of it,
I refrain from making comments except as deemed necessary for clarity.
Consequences:
no quotes of accusations, no references to them, no responses to them;
no mention of redactions, no references to them, no responses to them.
The reader will find the omitted items in the Appendices and in the other Ancillaries; the corresponding Internal URLs are provided at the end of this document.

List of Moffatt’s sources.
1. The book of James W Tyrrell.
2. The book of Joseph B Tyrrell.
3. The journal/report of J B Tyrrell.
4. Correspondence with J B Tyrrell.
Reference for these four items. Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
5. The maps of J B Tyrrell.
Reference. The Appendix provided at the end of this document.

The book of James W Tyrrell.
Moffatt had accessed J W Tyrrell’s book Across the Sub-Arctics of Canada (Toronto, 1908).
With the help of the kind and patient staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library (University of Toronto), I obtained a copy of every page for the entire reach from Black Lake to Baker Lake to Chesterfield Inlet.
The book makes little mention of rapids in general, and none of rapids in the reach where Moffatt died.
This Ancillary makes no further mention of it.

The book of Joseph B Tyrrell.
As evinced for example by Moffatt’s Prospectus on page 71 of the Sports Illustrated article, Moffatt had accessed J B Tyrrell’s book of the 1893 expedition.
Report on the Doobaunt, Kazan and Ferguson Rivers and the north-west coast of Hudson Bay and on two overland routes from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg. S E Dawson, Ottawa (1897).
With the help of the kind and patient staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library (University of Toronto), I obtained a copy of every page for the entire reach from Black Lake to Chesterfield Inlet. If I may be indulged a comment, the remainder is harrowing reading.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt provides the complete excerpt for the reach (Wharton Lake to Marjorie Lake) where Moffatt died.

The journal/report of Joseph B Tyrrell.
Moffatt had also obtained access to J B Tyrrell’s journal (aka his report) for the 1893 expedition. I was unable to access JBT’s journal; I note though that excerpts from the journals of Moffatt and Pessl document that it contains material not mentioned elsewhere.

The Moffatt – J B Tyrrell correspondence.
Thanks to Pessl, I have copies of Moffatt’s letters of 18 December 1954 and 14 January 1955 to J B Tyrrell.
A thorough search at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library (University of Toronto) failed to find JBT’s reply to the first, known to have been made. I possess no evidence that JBT replied to the second.
Reference. Sub-Appendix 1. Tyrrell sources of Appendix 9.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

J B Tyrrell’s book, for the reach from Wharton Lake to Marjorie Lake.
The following provides the text (deletions are marked by ellipses) for the entire reach from Wharton Lake to Marjorie Lake; Moffatt died in rapids not far above the latter.
Below Wharton Lake the river flows at first eastward, and then southward, for four miles to a small lake, in which distance it rushes down two rapids with descents respectively of 15 and 6 feet.
The small lake seems to be everywhere shallow, though the water is very clear. On its south side is a sand ridge or (esker
[character apparently an italic l, which makes no sense to me]) about 300 feet high, trending east-and-west, on the side of which the three terraces seen at the quartzite hill are well shown. Towards the west end of the ridge are scarped banks of sand almost eighty feet high. On the north side of the lake is a cluster of low islands, composed of boulders of red gneiss, covered with moss and grass. Low hills of boulders continue eastward, along the course of the river, for the next five miles. The stream has no well-defined channel, but flows around and between these hills with a current of from five to eight miles an hour. Five miles below the small lake is a rapid with a descent of twenty feet, past the lower part of which a portage 400 yards long was made over a hill of boulders, and we embarked from a sheet of ice that, on the 23rd of August, was still frozen to the bank. Above the rapid a gravel plain extends a long distance back from the river. At the foot of this rapid the river turns at right angles and flows northward for seven miles as a wide shallow rapid stream, through low country, composed of small morainic or drumlin-like hills of boulders of light-gray well foliated gneiss.
Lady Marjorie Lake, so named as a mark of respect… , was entered at the south end, …

Noteworthy items.
1. two rapids with descents respectively of 15 and 6 feet.
2. the small lake below these rapids.
3. Five miles below the small lake is a rapid with a descent of twenty feet, past the lower part of which a portage 400 yards long was made,
4. At the foot of this rapid the river turns at right angles and flows northward for seven miles to what is now called Marjorie Lake.
5. No rapids are mentioned in the northward reach to Marjorie Lake. Moffatt died in rapids in this reach, not far upstream from Marjorie Lake.

Comparison of the evidences of J B Tyrrell’s book and that of his map, for the Wharton-Marjorie reach.
I compare, in downstream order, the features described in JBT’s book with those provided on his map at https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-6-1893 .
Item 1.
Book. two rapids with descents respectively of 15 and 6 feet.
Map. Two Rapids.
Item 2.
Book. small lake.
Map. A small unnamed lake.
Item 3.
Book. A rapid with a descent of twenty feet, with a portage of length 400 yards around the lower part.
Map. A Rapid with a Por. 18c around it.
Comment. 18 chains = 400 yards. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chain_(unit) .
Item 4.
Book. the river turns at right angles and flows northward for seven miles to Lady Marjorie Lake.
Map. A sharp turn to the north.
Conclusion.
J B Tyrrell’s book and his map agree completely regarding the essentials of the features between Wharton Lake and what is now called Marjorie Lake. The book provides more detail, but the map is clearer.
Again, Moffatt possessed both the book and the map.

The evidence of Moffatt’s journal for 13 September.
The following is the complete text of Moffatt’s last journal entry, that for the day before the tragedy, as kindly supplied by Pessl (with (?) indicating faint, uncertain words on my copy.
Off at 10:15 across outlet bay (of Wharton Lake), Skip caught 3 trout, then down 15 foot very swift rapids, no rocks but very rough. Took water, had to bail. Following Tyrrell’s route, down 6’ rapid, back in (?) map, lunch 2 fish chowder, 2 hardtack. Then along island, water in channels, very fast, no looking it over, about 5 miles of it. Sun out more than for 6 days, but spotty. Pulled into bay by esker, I found good dry portage while canoes unloaded above last very rough + rocky part of rapid. I carried canoe across to little valley below bay, where we camped. Others portaged while I cooked huge glop, fish and bully, pudding + tea. Then, in darkness, I made last portage trip for load of wood, (?), 2 poles. Thought of wolves. Saw none!
Good distance today, Marjorie Lake tomorrow.

Comment. This was Moffatt’s last journal entry.
Noteworthy items.
1. The phrase Following Tyrrell’s route.
This phrase was redacted by the Sports Illustrated editor.
2. The references to the 15 ft and 6 ft rapids.
These were run without incident on 13 September.
3. The portage made around the last very rough + rocky part of rapid. This is the Rapid with a Por. 18c around it, aka the rapid with a descent of twenty feet. The portage was begun on 13 September and completed in the morning of 14 September.
Summary.
All features (the 15 ft and 6 ft rapids, and the portage) were found to be as described by Tyrrell.

The evidence of participant Lanouette for the afternoon of 14 September.
His journal is not published and so I express my gratitude to Lanouette (Moffatt’s bowperson) for providing it; I hope that the padding community as a whole is similarly grateful for this contribution to our understanding to the events of 14 September 1955.
Lanouette’s full journal for 14 September is provided in Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
After completing the portage in the morning of 14 September, the party continued downstream, then stopped for lunch.
We had a rather satisfying lunch of chowder and three hardtacks (or ‘tacks) apiece and were ready to shove on again around 2:30 or 3:00. The weather was still dismal, although the wind had dropped (I think) almost to a complete calm.
The river flowed on rather swiftly and it was but a few minutes before we heard and saw another rapids on the horizon. (Notes – at this time, Art figured we had shot the last 2 rapids into Lady Marjorie and so we were not anticipating anything more along this line – actually, what we had taken for rapids were only riffles and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids). At the top, these rapids looked as though they would be very easy going – a few small waves, rocks … nothing serious – so much so that we didn’t even haul over to shore to look it over before proceeding as was customary. The river at this point was straight and we could see both the top and foot of the rapids quite clearly – however, although we didn’t realize it, we couldn’t see the middle, even though we thought we could – at any rate we barrelled happily along. We bounced over a couple of fair-sized waves and took in a couple of splashes but I didn’t mind, as I had made an apron of my poncho and remained dry enough. I, as was my habit, was looking a few feet in front of the canoe, looking for submerged rocks – suddenly, Art shouted “Paddle” – I responded and took up the beat, at the same time looking farther ahead to see what it was we were trying to avoid – to my complete surprise, what I saw were two lines of white, parallel to one another and coming closer with every passing instant – I looked at them in helpless fascination, not altering my stroke any. The lines of white were the crests of two huge waves formed by the water as it crashed over 2, 3 or 4’ ledges or falls). Note: it was too late to pull for shore – all we could was to pick what seemed to be the least turbulent spots and head for them.

The evidence of participant LeFavour.
Thanks to LeFavour for providing the following.
…As we sped through Wharton Lake only the occasional snow flurry fell, an incentive not a deterrent. Up to that point we had shot five caribou and by doing so had saved enough meat to see us through. Now it was not even necessary to spend time hunting. We traveled, and traveled hard.
The river between Wharton and Marjorie Lakes split up into three channels. The longest of these
[the east/rightmost] had been traveled by Tyrrell in his trip 60 years before and was described in his journal: there were five rapids, the first two rough but shootable, the third long and heavy requiring a portage of a mile [“400 yards” in Tyrrell’s book] and the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. Because this route was described we took it, being careful to look over the first two which were indeed rough. Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken.
Please note that LeFavour mentions all features encountered on both 13 and 14 September by the Moffatt party.
13 September.
The first two rapids, those rough but shootable, are the 15 ft and 6 ft rapids run by the Moffatt party that day, when it began the portage.
Comment. Tyrrell’s remarks and those of LeFavour agree regarding these two rapids and the portage, except that LeFavour gives a greater length for the portage.
14 September.
The Moffatt party completed the portage in the morning of that day and continued downstream, stopping for lunch. Some time later, it encountered the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids” mentioned above.
Excerpt from LeFavour’s article for the afternoon of 14 September.
At 3 p.m. we were again on the river. Gone was the wind, and we hoped to get a good way up Marjorie Lake in the calm before dark. A mile downriver the roar of the next rapid reached our ears, a roar which had become familiar and comforting in this quiet land, a roar which in the past had promised excitement. As we coasted into the top of it all appeared to be well. You could see the bottom, the water, though white, was apparently shootable. Tyrrell had indicated by his neglect that the rapid was an easy one, and it seemed to be just that.
A flock of ptarmigan on the shore caught my eye, but soon we were past them and out in midstream. It was then that Skip and I noticed that Art and Joe in the lead canoe were having trouble. They were over! We saw the two huge waves, walls of white water which seemed almost five feet high. Pete and George had made the one, were heading for the second, and then we saw nothing but the unavoidable waves. We were into it!

Source. Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Analysis.
I remind the reader that Tyrrell’s book (possessed by Moffatt) makes no mention of these rapids
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
and also that they are not marked on Tyrrell’s map (also possessed by Moffatt).
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-6-1893
The source for this additional information can be only Tyrrell’s journal/report or the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence, neither of which I have been unable to access.
References. http://defence-arthurmoffatt.ca/2017/06/02/ancillary-7-the-moffatt-tyrrell-correspondence/
Private correspondence from LeFavour.
His [Tyrrell’s] journal had been accurate to that point, namely lunch time on 14 September, prior to the running of the fatal rapids. [2015].

The evidence of participant Pessl.
Passage 1.
After completing a short portage, loaded the canoes and continued our dash down the river. It was cold and windy, the sky was overcast and we stopped at frequent intervals to warm our feet and legs.
[We] approached what we thought must be the last rapids with confidence and impatience. Art stood up … looked ahead, and … drove his canoe for the middle of the flow. … The next thing I saw as we shot around the bend was a white wall of huge waves. … Beyond the thundering waves, the yellow camera box and Art’s gray canoe bobbed crazily in the rapids below.
[Canoe&Kayak, May 2012 issue, p 48, right column].
Comment. The short portage is the 400-yarder completed in the morning of 14 September.
Passage 2.
That’s the other lesson I learned, says Pessl. To be patient. If we had just been patient and confident, if we hadn’t been in such a headlong rush that we didn’t stop to scout the rapid, we would have been fine. It’s very hard to do that, in the grip of panic, but it would have made all the difference. Art would have been with us, his life …. Pessl pauses. When it comes down to it, even with everything that happened, we were so close. [Canoe&Kayak, May 2012 issue, p 102?, left column].
Passage 3.
The tragedy of September 14, when Art Moffatt died, occurred, in my opinion, … , because Art and I tried to concurrently accomplish two mutually exclusive objectives: canoe travel and documentary filming of that journey. The demands of these opposing goals delayed and distracted our commitment to river miles. Art and I remained tragically stubborn in our commitment to filming the journey, even in the face of serious and obvious deterioration of the weather. [Nastawgan, Summer issue, 2013, p 5].
Passage 4.
The weather grew harsh. Freezing temperatures, wind-driven snow, dwindling food supplies, and deteriorating equipment pushed us hard to travel faster and more efficiently, and ultimately we made a fatal mistake. We approached the rapids entering Marjorie Lake with caution, but without an onshore look. Standing up in our canoes as we floated toward the rapids, we saw a modest current sweeping toward a right-hand bend and drove our canoes into that initial current V. [Pessl book, p XVII.]
Passage 5.
The tragedy of September 14 occurred, in my opinion, not because of Art’s alleged mental instability or some sort of Zen nonsense, but because Art and I failed to accurately translate our collective Albany River experiences to northern big-river conditions, especially into late-season, freezing conditions, and because we tried to concurrently accomplish two mutually exclusive objectives: travel and film. …we did not differentiate between what worked on the Albany River and what would not work in late season on the Dubawnt.
The deteriorating weather…changed our modus operandi from cautious land-based scouting of rapids to a floating assessment as we were sucked into the headwater Vs of each successive rapid. It worked for several days and many rapids, except for one.
Somewhere between the robotic distance grinds of… and the tragic disregard for time, distance, and season of the Moffatt leadership (and I include myself I that category), there must be a reasonable balance for wilderness canoeists on long journeys…
[Pessl book, pp 172&173].
Passage 6.
Pessl (kindly and most frankly, both as ever) responded as follows regarding an email message of mine.
I understand the confusion, contradiction that the two quotes may create. The quote attributed to me [Excerpt 2] is accurate and comes from a conversation I had with Al Kesselheim when he was preparing to write his C&K article on the Moffatt Dubawnt journey (May 2012). It was a very emotional interview for me; the first time in many years that I shared some of my feelings about Dubawnt ’55. The quote expresses my remorse over Art’s death and my belief, in retrospect, that we should have scouted the Marjorie rapids. My use of the term “panic” was inaccurate, too strong and I regret that. Bruce’s phrase is much more accurate.
But our individual and collective state of mind during those early September days is pretty much conjecture and perhaps mostly semantic after so many years. The much more important question, clearly answered by your detailed research, is WHY we didn’t scout the rapids? And the answer: because we were following Tyrrell’s journal description of the river conditions approaching Marjorie Lake. Tyrrell’s river descriptions had proven dependable previously and indicated benign conditions entering Marjorie Lake following the last portage.
[Pessl, private correspondence].

The evidence of George Luste.
I mention that Luste identified no source for either item.
Item 1.
Art Moffatt, following Tyrrell’s notes, was not expecting the rapid in which he swamped and then died.
Source. Page 284 of Grinnell’s book (1996).
Item 2.
Over the years, a number of unfounded versions or representations of the Moffatt accident have made their way into the canoeing literature. I’ve read statements like
“After some discussion there came a momentous decision. To save time the party would run any rapid which looked safe from the top.” and
“Everyone was rescued quickly so there should have been no problems.” or
“Increasing desperation made them run rapids without careful checking,” or
“…to speed progress they would run any rapid that looked passable from the top…” and
“On Moffatt’s trip, the canoeists surviving the mid-September swamping first picked up all the packs, then the swamped members, a fatal mistake.”

Source. Pages 293 and 294 of Grinnell’s book (1996).

Summary.
Given my introductory remark I refrain from…for clarity, it would be inappropriate to provide a summary.

Appendix. The maps of Joseph B Tyrrell.
At the Thomas Fisher library, I found the URLs (provided below) for his maps for the 1893 expedition, for the reach from Black Lake to the mouth of the Churchill River on Hudson Bay.
The evidence convinces me that Moffatt had obtained copies of these maps. Of special interest is the map (number 6) for the reach from Wharton Lake to what is now called Marjorie Lake, for it was in this reach that Moffatt died. I provide above a full discussion of its contents.
J B Tyrrell’s annotated maps.
Black Lake to south of Selwyn Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-1-1893
Continuation to past Wholdiah/Daly Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-2-1893
Continuation to past Boyd Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-3-1893
Continuation to the middle of Nicholson Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-4-1893
Continuation to the middle of Grant Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-5-1893
Continuation to past Aberdeen Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-6-1893
Continuation to Baker Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-7-1893
Continuations to the mouth of the Churchill River.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-8-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-9-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-10-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-11-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-12-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-13-1893
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/content/zone-14-1893

Internal URLs.

Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.

Major renovations were completed in early November 2017 but I expect that warts remain.
Thanks for your patience. Allan

Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.

Introduction.

The Moffatt trip of 1955 retraced the central portion of the Tyrrell-Tyrrell exploratory trip of 1893, specifically the reach from Black Lake on the Fond du Lac River to Baker Lake on the Thelon River.
The books of both Tyrrell brothers (Joseph Burr and James Williams) are available, and I have obtained copies thereof for the reach from Black Lake to Chesterfield Inlet (the mouth of the Thelon River on Hudson Bay). Moffatt is known to have accessed both books.
Given that both brothers wrote books, both must have kept journals, but neither journal is publicly available to my knowledge. It is known that Moffatt had obtained access to JBT’s journal, aka his report. I possess no evidence that he accessed JWT’s.

The evidence of James Williams Tyrrell.
0. I possess no evidence that Moffatt had corresponded with JWT.
1. Across the Sub-Arctics of Canada (Toronto, 1908).
Not accessed by me. Thought to be identical to the following.
2. Through the Barren Lands: An Exploration Line of 3,200 Miles. Geological Survey of Canada (1896).
Thanks to the kind and excessively helpful staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library at the University of Toronto, I was able to obtain a copy for the entire reach from Black Lake to Chesterfield Inlet.
Little mention is made of river features; in particular, this book does not help us to understand the tragedy.
3. In Moffatt’s first letter to J B Tyrrell, he refers to the information provided in your report and in the book by your brother. And so Moffatt had obtained access to the book of J W Tyrrell, but I don’t know to which of the items 1 and 2, if indeed they differ.

The evidence of Joseph Burr Tyrrell.
1. Geographical Journal, v 4, no 5, Nov 1894.
Not known to have been accessed by Moffatt. Not accessed by me.
2. Report on the Doobaunt, Kazan and Ferguson Rivers and the north-west coast of Hudson Bay and on two overland routes from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg. S E Dawson, Ottawa (1897).
The book is known to have been accessed by Moffatt, as evinced by the following passage.
Moffatt “…became fascinated with the forbidding wilderness still further north and determined to go there after reading Report on the Dubawnt, Kazan and Ferguson Rivers, written in 1896 by a Canadian geological surveyor, Dr. J. B. Tyrrell…” [Sports Illustrated, p 71, filed under Art Moffatt’s Prospectus]
Thanks to the kind and excessively helpful staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library at the University of Toronto, I was able to obtain a copy for the entire reach from Black Lake to Chesterfield Inlet.
It is far from beside the point that J B Tyrrell provides the following passage regarding the reach between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake.
Below Wharton Lake the river flows at first eastward, and then southward, for four miles to a small lake, in which distance it rushes down two rapids with descents respectively of 15 and 6 feet. …Five miles below the small lake is a rapid with a descent of twenty feet, past the lower part of which a portage 400 yards long was made … At the foot of this rapid the river turns at right angles and flows northward for seven miles as a wide shallow rapid stream …Lady Marjorie Lake…was entered at the south end…
The complete passage from J B Tyrrell’s book is provided in Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Like the Tyrrell party of 1893, the Moffatt party of 1955 ran the rapids with descents of 15 and 6 feet, this on 13 September 1955, when it began the portage of 400 yards around the rapid with a descent of twenty feet. That portage was completed in the morning of 14 September.
Moffatt died later that same day, in the apparently featureless wide shallow rapid stream in the reach the sharp turn to the north and Marjorie Lake. Of course, my point is that J B Tyrrell made no mention of rapids in the reach where Moffatt died.
3. As I document below, Moffatt had obtained further information from J B Tyrrell, specifically
JBT’s journal (Moffatt calls it his report) for the 1893 trip,
JBT’s maps for the 1893 trip, and
correspondence with JBT.

The evidence of the Sports Illustrated article.
With respect to the upstream reach from Black Lake to the basin of the Dubawnt River, the SI editor wrote the following.
In the days that immediately followed, the expedition made good time despite erratic winds and rain, the back-stiffening portages and missed routes. The maps the party used – they were the only ones in existence – were never precise enough, and there were many times when, after long wearying hours of working up a stream, the canoeists would have to admit their mistake and painfully retreat. [SI article, bottom of right column, p 73]
Response.
The maps could be
either the government-issue maps of the time (not available to me)
or (more likely?) J B Tyrrell’s maps; those for the reach from Black Lake to Selwyn Lake are the following.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=1
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=2

The journal of J B Tyrrell.
JBT’s journal (sometimes Moffatt calls it his report) is not publicly available; it is known to differ substantially from JBT’s book. Unfortunately, my best efforts failed to access it; but Moffatt was more successful.
Evidence 1.
Tyrrell…had constant rain and cold, also patches of old snow everywhere. But for us it has been very pleasant… [Moffatt, 16 August, top left of p 80 of the SI article].
Evidence 2.
Throughout Tyrrell’s journal, he speaks of seeing patches of snow well to the south and he suffered his first snow storm on August 10. [Pessl book, 28 August, bottom of p 107].
Evidence 3.
Following Tyrrell’s route… [Moffatt journal for 13 September, as provided by Pessl.
Evidence 4.
… I have spent considerable time reviewing the various pertinent journals and following the maps with the journal descriptions … [Moffatt journal, pp 140-141; passage kindly provided by Pessl].
Response. The phrase the various pertinent journals is unclear. One journal was certainly that of JBT. But Moffatt’s use of the plural suggests he possessed also the journal of JWT. Adding to the confusion (at least in my mind) is that Moffatt possessed the books of both brothers.
Aside. The reference to maps is likely to both the 8 mi. to the inch maps and JBT’s maps; Moffatt had access to both.
Evidence 5.
His [Tyrrell’s] journal had been accurate to that point, namely lunch time on 14 September, just prior to the running of the fatal rapids. [LeFavour, private correspondence, 2015].
Evidence 6.
…he [Pessl] and Art had studied them carefully before setting out and notations from the journals had been made on Art’s maps. [Lanouette, private correspondence, 17 January 2015].

The maps of J B Tyrrell.
I note that the Moffatt party possessed government-issue 8 mi. to the inch maps [18 July. Franck, in Pessl, p 44]). I made no attempt to access such maps available in 1955.
But the party possessed also maps from another source.

Passage 1. 10 August. The maps are very inaccurate in placing the rapids for the most part. [Franck, in Pessl, p 78]
Response. The reference was perhaps to the government-issue maps. Let me drop the matter.

Passage 2. 13 August. …went on down to where the 15-ft. falls is marked on the map. Actually this is an error. There was nothing there but a very easy rapid. [Franck, in Pessl, p 85]
Aside. Franck and Pessl agree on the date, namely 13 August.
Response.
The key item is the reference to the 15-ft. falls, for falls of that same height are shown on J B Tyrrell’s map 4.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=4
Those falls lie between Carey Lake (Franck’s POND ABOVE MARKHAM LAKE. [Pessl, p 85]) and Markham Lake.
And so the location of those falls, as given by Franck, agrees with that given by Tyrrell’s map 4.
Conclusion.
On both counts, namely the height of the falls and their location, the evidence of participant Franck and the evidence of Tyrrell’s map 4 are in complete agreement.
The obvious conclusion is that Moffatt had obtained access to at least one of JBT’s maps, namely number 4.
The obvious implication is that Moffatt had obtained access to all of JBT’s maps.
Especially important for our understanding of the tragedy is the map
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=6 .
That map shows no rapids in the northward reach between the portage (Por. 18 c completed in the morning of 14 September) and Marjorie Lake. It was in these unmarked rapids that Moffatt died later that very day.
And I suggest it not beside the point that neither does J B Tyrrell’s book mention those same rapids.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.

Passage 3. For completeness only, I provide the following.
16 August. After dinner, Art got out the maps and looked over our situation. [Franck, in Pessl, p 91].
Comment. My far than thorough search found no more references to maps in Pessl’s book.

Intermediate summary.
I have documented that Moffatt had accessed
J W Tyrrell’s book,
J B Tyrrell’s book,
J B Tyrrell’s journal, and
J B Tyrrell’s maps.
But Moffatt had also corresponded with J B Tyrrell, as I now document.

Moffatt’s correspondence with J B Tyrrell.
Moffatt wrote twice to J B Tyrrell, who replied to the first; but my best efforts failed to find that reply. I possess no evidence that JBT replied to the second.

Moffatt’s letter of 18 December 1954 to J B Tyrrell.
Comment. Copy provided by Pessl; address information deleted.
Dear Dr. Tyrrell:
At the suggestion of Dr. Lincoln Washburn, Professor of Geology at Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire, I am writing to tell you of my plans to follow your route from Stony Rapids on Lake Athabaska via the Dubawnt River to Chesterfield Inlet this coming summer.
Since your exploration of that route in 1893 no other canoe parties seem to have made the trip, and if we did not have your excellent report to guide us, I doubt that we should attempt it. My purpose in going is to make a film in color, for lecture purposes—and I believe that with luck we shall have something unlike anything that has been done before.
You may wonder what my qualifications for making such a trip are; I list them briefly: In 1937 I paddled alone from Sioux Lookout, Ontario, to the Albany River and down it to James Bay. Since 1950 I have led parties of five young men of college age down the Albany every summer. In 1952 and ’53 I made a 3000 ft color film of the Albany trip, with which I have been lecturing, and it now seems to be time to attempt a more difficult trip—your route down the Dubawnt.
I plan to use two 18 foot Chestnut Prospector canoes, one paddled by Skip Pessl, a young man who has made the Albany trip with me twice and who is this year a senior at Dartmouth College; and the other paddled by myself. We have not yet selected our two bow paddlers, and in this connection Dr. Washburn thought you might like to send along someone from your mining company to look the country over once again.
We expect to leave from here as close to June 13 as we can, and to remain on the Dubawnt until about September 1. We anticipate several difficulties we have never encountered along the Albany, first the absence of fuel and second, the difficulty of crossing the frozen expanse of Dubawnt Lake—if you are able to give us any advice on coping with these two problems we shall certainly appreciate it.
Of great importance also is the fact that we must carry sufficient supplies for the entire trip—the administration of the Northwest Territories will allow us to carry a rifle, but it is only to be used if we are in danger of starvation—which we feel is rather late in the game to begin living off the country. Nevertheless, we are prepared to travel under these conditions.
To revert briefly to the matter of fuel: Stefansson, in his Arctic Manual, indicates that most Arctic rivers are lined with willows and alders; but in your report and in the book by your brother, I find small mention of such a source of wood for fires. Were they indeed absent along the Dubawnt, or were they too green to burn—or is the country too generally soaked with rain to use them?
I hope you will find it interesting that we will be travelling the Dubawnt this summer, and I also hope that you can give us some advice to help us complete the journey successfully. In any case, I hope that I may have the pleasure of hearing from you.
Sincerely, Arthur R. Moffatt

Comment.
Please note the passage if we did not have your excellent report to guide us, I doubt that we should attempt it. I interpret the reference to the report to be to J B Tyrrell’s journal.

J B Tyrrell’s response to Moffatt’s letter of 18 December 1954.
As evinced by the passage (quoted below), it is known JBT had replied, but my search at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library (University of Toronto) failed, as I describe below. With respect to the date of the response, I know only that it lay between 18 December and 14 January.
Lacking an alternative explanation for the following passage, I suggest that some of its contents are provided in Art Moffatt’s Prospectus, published on page 71 of the Sports Illustrated article.
…In our journey north we will pass into the hunting and trapping grounds of the Chipewyan Indians and out into the Barren Grounds, beyond the northern limit of the trees. This is the summer range of the vast herds of caribou. The lakes and streams are reported to be full of trout up to 25 pounds in weight.

Two of the major problems we shall face are food and fire. The greater part of the route is through the treeless tundra, and what fuel there is often too green or wet to burn. We will not be able to pack enough gas to cook two meals a day.
Food may be even more acute. I have a letter from Dr. Tyrrell…He writes: “You will need to have a couple of high-powered rifles so that you can shoot game at long range, otherwise starvation is likely to threaten from early in the trip…”

Moffatt’s letter of 14 January 1955.
Copy provided by Pessl. Address information deleted.
Dear Dr. Tyrrell:
Thank you very much for your kind reply to my letter of December 18, in which I asked you several questions about the Dubawnt River.
I have tried without success to obtain copies of your report from Mr. Amtmann and from Dora Hood, but Mr. Amtmann referred me to Miss Wills, Librarian of the Geological Survey, who was kind enough to send me, on loan until September 30, 1955, a copy of your report.
I have written Miss Wills of the possible damage that may be done to the report on a trip by canoe down the Dubawnt, and I am waiting now to see is she really means that I should take it with me to the Barrens. I certainly hope that she does—after all, it will be our only guide.
Your suggestion that we will face starvation unless we have good rifles is certainly to the point, and I wish the Administration of the Northwest Territories realised that in forbidding us to use rifles until we are in imminent danger of death they are putting us in a very difficult position. However, if those are the terms on which we may enter the country, we will have to face them or stay home. I believe that by restricting our diet to oatmeal, hardtack, bully beef, dried potatoes and macaroni, we ought to be able to feed four men well enough for the three months we expect to be on the barrens. I’ve eaten worse food longer and survived.
Our search for two bow paddlers is not yet over, and in asking you whether your mining company might not like to send a geologist with us who could also pull his weight in a canoe and on the portages, I was acting at the suggestion of Dr. Washburn, who thought your company might find it to its advantage to do some prospecting along the Dubawnt.
You may be interested to hear that I showed your report to Dr. Vilhjalmur Stefansson, who immediately asked if he might have the letter for his library, which is now a part of the Dartmouth College Library at Hanover, New Hampshire.
I want to thank you again for your interest in my proposed trip, and I wish you a very Happy New Year.
Sincerely, Arthur R. Moffatt

Assumption.
JBT’s report is what I call also his journal.

The evidence of the participants regarding the fatal rapids.
Introduction.
The only possible sources for the following evidences regarding the fatal rapids are J B Tyrrell’s journal (aka his report), his maps, and his correspondence with Moffatt. I say this because neither book of the Tyrrell brothers mentions those rapids.
The evidence available to me has it that J B Tyrrell’s rapids advice had proved accurate for the previous 11 weeks or so of the trip. I refer in particular to the three candidates for the Sports illustrated editor’s churning chutes of white water [SI article, top of right column on p 82], namely the rapids immediately below Nicholson Lake, those immediately below Dubawnt Lake, and those immediately above Wharton Lake.
Argument. Had JBT’s rapids advice proved inaccurate even once in the previous 11 weeks, surely Moffatt would not have followed it in the afternoon of 14 September 1955.
The evidence of Lanouette.
Referring to the rapids where Moffatt died, his bow person wrote the following: This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids into Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids. [Sports Illustrated (1959), p 85]
The evidence of LeFavour.
Referring to the rapids between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake, he wrote the following: … there were five rapids, the first two rough but shootable, the third long and heavy requiring a portage of a mile [“400 yards” in Tyrrell’s book] and the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. Because this route was described we took it, being careful to look over the first two which were indeed rough. Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken. [Evening Recorder, 29 December 1955, Amsterdam NY]
The evidence of Pessl.
…we were following Tyrrell’s journal description of the river conditions approaching Marjorie Lake. Tyrrell’s river descriptions had proven dependable previously and indicated benign conditions entering Marjorie Lake following the last portage. [private correspondence]
Analysis.
Perhaps the key passage is LeFavour’s …the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”, for it was in these rapids that Moffatt died.

The evidence of John Lentz regarding the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.
The following was kindly supplied by Pessl [private correspondence, May 2017].
Begin Pessl material.
Through Bush and Barrens. North, May-June, 1970, p.22-29.
p.22. He (Moffatt) wrote to Tyrrell who replied that the river, “is a succession of lakes separated by wild rivers.” The old man warned of hazards of these rapids, and suggested the following equipment, “high powered rifles so that you can shoot game at long range, otherwise starvation is likely to threaten very early in your journey.”
This quote attributed by Lentz: “Tyrrell’s letter courtesy Rare Books Department, University of Toronto Library.”
Perhaps there is additional reference in John’s papers/correspondence, maybe available at CCM or the Lentz estate.
End Pessl material.
My comments.
0. I failed to find online access to the North article.
1. Lentz had obtained access to the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.
2. I failed to find the Tyrrell’s letter at the Thomas Fisher Rare Books Library of the University of Toronto.
3. I note that the rifles part of Lentz’s quote duplicates material provided in Moffatt’s Prospectus [Sports Illustrated article, p 71].

The evidence of Fred Gaskin regarding the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.
The following was kindly supplied by Pessl (private correspondence, May 2017).
Begin Pessl material.
Retracing Tyrrell’s journey into the Barren Lands. Canadian Geographical Journal, v.93, n.3, Dec. 1976/Jan. 1977, p. 46-53.
p.50: “When preparing for his trip, Moffatt had corresponded in 1953 with J.B. Tyrrell who was then 95 years old and living in Toronto. The old man warned Moffatt of the dangers of the rapids and the risks of starvation.”
End Pessl material.
My comments.
0. I failed to find online access to Gaskin’s article.
1. Given that Moffatt’s letter of 18 December 1954 was clearly his first contact with J B Tyrrell, Gaskin’s date of 1953 must be incorrect.
2. I don’t know Gaskin’s source for this material, which differs little from that provided by Lentz.

Summary.
The evidence of Moffatt’s journal.
My best efforts failed to obtain full access to that journal, which would almost certainly provide important evidence regarding rapids in general. With regard to the rapids where he died, I possess only the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route… of his last journal entry, that for 13 September.
The evidence of James Williams Tyrrell.
Moffatt had accessed JWT’s book, which provides little information regarding rapids in general, nothing regarding the rapids where Moffatt died in particular.
I possess no evidence that Moffatt had corresponded with JWT.
The evidence of Joseph Burr Tyrrell.
Moffatt’s sources are known to have been the following four items.
1. JBT’s maps. I have provided URLs for the entire reach covered by the Moffatt party. The map for the reach where Moffatt died shows no rapids.
Reference. https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=6
2. JBT’s book. I possess a copy for the entire reach (Black Lake to Baker Lake) covered by the Moffatt party. The book describes the three candidates that I identified for the SI editor’s churning chutes (namely the rapids below Nicholson Lake, those below immediately below Dubawnt Lake, and those immediately above Wharton Lake), but it makes no mention of the rapids where Moffatt died.
Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
3. JBT’s journal (aka his report). I was unable to access it and so am unable to comment on its contents.
4. Moffatt’s correspondence with JBT. Thanks to Pessl, I was able to provide copies of Moffatt’s two letters to JBT. I was unable to document JBT’s reply (known to have made) to the first. I possess no evidence that JBT had replied to the second.

Conclusions.
1. All known sources state, implicitly, that there were no rapids of significance in the reach where Moffatt died.
2. In particular, Moffatt had good reason to trust JBT’s advice, for Tyrrell’s river descriptions had proven dependable previously and indicated benign conditions entering Marjorie Lake. [Pessl]
3. But J B Tyrrell’s advice failed Moffatt in the afternoon of 14 September 1955.

Appendix. Tyrrell items at the University of Toronto Library.
All known items are held at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, located on the second floor of the Robarts Library, at the corner of St George and Harbord. Access is by permission only; I had a U of T library card, but I believe that a driver’s licence will suffice.
Thanks to the kind, helpful and excessively patient staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library of the University of Toronto for their assistance throughout my visits.

Item 1. Joseph B Tyrrell’s book.
Report on the Doobaunt, Kazan and Ferguson Rivers and the north-west coast of Hudson Bay and on two overland routes from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg. S E Dawson, Ottawa (1897).
I possess copies of all pages for the entire reach from Baker Lake to Chesterfield Inlet.

Item 2. Joseph B Tyrrell’s correspondence
is divided, but only roughly, into professional and personal items.
The largely professional items of interest are provided in two boxes, one for 1951-1953 and one for 1954-1955. I read all material for 1953, 1954 and 1955 but found nothing referring to Moffatt. I did not find the 1953 letter mentioned by Lentz (I believe that he got the date incorrectly).
The largely personal items are provided in a single box. I found nothing referring to Moffatt.
Perhaps I should add that another box contains items related to Tyrrell’s apple orchard in what is now the Toronto suburb of Agincourt.

Item 3. J B Tyrrell, Explorer and Adventurer. The Geological Survey Years 1881-1898.
A Catalogue prepared by Katherine Martyn.
The Catalogue was prepared for an exhibition at the library (3 April to 30 July 1993). The 1893 trip is described in Across the Barren Lands: 1893. [pp 23-30]. Two photos are provided, plus maps for the 1893 Dubawnt and 1894 Kazan trips, the former as described in item 4.
https://fisher.library.utoronto.ca/tyrrell-explorer-and-adventurer
http://link.library.utoronto.ca/Tyrrell/overview.cfm?ID=1893

Item 4. Joseph B Tyrrell’s maps for the reach from Black Lake to Chesterfield Inlet and beyond.
His maps for the 1893 expedition show features (rapids, falls, portages, etc), for the following reaches.
Black Lake to south of Selwyn Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=1
Continuation to past Wholdiah/Daly Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=2
Continuation to past Boyd Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=3
Continuation to the middle of Nicholson Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=4
Continuation to the middle of Grant Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=5
Continuation to past Aberdeen Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=6
Continuation to Baker Lake.
https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=7
etc.
Discussion.
Moffatt certainly possessed map 4, and so almost certainly all maps, especially the vitally important map 6. The Rapid shown shortly below Wharton Lake on that map is the one portaged on 13 and 14 September by the Moffatt party. The important point is that map 6 shows no rapid/s from the end of that portage all the way downstream to Marjorie Lake.
Conclusion.
The rapids where Moffatt died are not shown on J B Tyrrell’s maps.

Item 5. James W Tyrrell’s book/s.
Through the Barren Lands: An Exploration Line of 3,200 Miles. Geological Survey of Canada (1896). Not accessed; believed identical to the following.
Across the Sub-Arctics of Canada (Toronto, 1908).
Comments.
I possess copies of all pages for the entire reach from Baker Lake to Chesterfield Inlet.
The material (especially that regarding ethnography) provided by JWT is fascinating (to me) but it sheds no light on the conditions that led to Moffatt’s death.

Internal URLs.

Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.

Appendix 9. Cause of the tragedy.

Major renovations were completed in early November 2017 but I expect that warts remain.
Thanks for your patience. Allan

Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Foreword.
Some overlap of material presented here is unavoidable with that presented in Appendix 8. Rapids in general.

Background.
0. Moffatt had obtained a copy of J W Tyrrell’s book, which provides no material regarding the fatal rapids.
1. Moffatt had obtained a copy of J B Tyrrell’s report, which I believe to be identical to his journal; I have been unable to access it.
2. Moffatt had accessed JBT’s book, which makes no mention of the rapids (those between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake) where Moffatt died.
Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
3. Moffatt had accessed JBT’s maps for the entire 1893 trip. The one for the reach where Moffatt died does not show the fatal rapids.
Reference. https://barrenlands.library.utoronto.ca/zone.cfm?ID=1893&zone=6 .
4. As well, Moffatt had corresponded with JBT; only a little information (kindly provided by participants) from these exchanges is available. It is clear, however, that Tyrrell had provided Moffatt with rapids information significantly beyond that given in JBT’s book. Sub-Appendix 1. Tyrrell sources provides background for the interested reader.
Reference. Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.

The reliability of JBT’s advice to Moffatt.
As I document below and elsewhere, Moffatt followed closely Tyrrell’s advice regarding rapids on the Dubawnt, most importantly his advice regarding the fatal rapids.
A particular.
His [Tyrrell’s] journal had been accurate to that point, namely lunch time on 14 September, immediately prior to the running of the fatal rapids. [LeFavour, private correspondence, 2015]. LeFavour refers here to the entire 10 or so weeks prior to that point. I assume that by Tyrrell’s journal, LeFavour includes the advice provided in the correspondence.
Initial summary.
Moffatt possessed detailed information from J B Tyrrell regarding Dubawnt rapids. That information had proved accurate for something like 11 weeks previously.
Given the nature of the accusatory literature, I find it necessary to state the obvious:
1. In the 11 weeks prior to his death, had there existed even one significant difference between the three JBT sources (his journal, his correspondence and his maps), Moffatt would have surely have noticed it and would have scouted the rapids where he died.
2. In particular, on 13 and 14 September, the Moffatt party portaged the rapids immediately above those where he died.
The questions.
1. Are we to believe (as the Sports Illustrated editor evidently expects us to do) that, having that very morning completed a portage made in part to protect the film and cameras (the very purposes of the trip), Moffatt changed his mind and, a few hours later, decided to risk the loss of both film and cameras?
2. More importantly, are we to believe (as the SI editor evidently expects us to do), that, a few hours after completing that portage, Moffatt decided to risk the lives of all members of the party and so took the the ultimate chance in running those rapids in desperate haste as the party raced against winter?

START AGAIN HERE
The evidence for 13 and 14 September.
13 September. .
On the day before Moffatt died, the Moffatt party ran two rough rapids, then camped after portaging some gear around a third, a much more serious one. These are the drops of 15 and 6 feet and the portage of 400 yards mentioned in Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
14 September.
The party completed the portage of 400 yards and resumed paddling. At the lunch stop that day, the party added 20 lb of lake trout to the food supply, which was already sufficient that the party had no need to hunt caribou again. Reference. Appendix 6. Food.
Trusting Tyrrell’s advice, which had proved accurate for the previous 10 weeks or so, Moffatt led the way downstream without scouting the rapids below the portage. Only when it was too late to bail out and head for shore did Moffatt see major rapids ahead and so realise that Tyrrell had failed him that day. He could only shout “Paddle!” to his bowperson Lanouette and try to tough it out. His canoe and a second overturned in a pair of rapids not mentioned by Tyrrell, spilling the paddlers into the cold waters. Moffatt died of hypothermia about an hour later.
A request.
I ask that the reader compare the above description of events (which is based on the journals of the trip participants) that lead to Moffatt’s death with the following assertion of the Sports Illustrated editor.
…the Moffatt party races against winter… In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance.

The redactions.
Over the 55 years from 1959 to 2014, every accuser got wrong the cause of Moffatt’s death.
I believe that they did so largely because both the Sports Illustrated editor and Grinnell redacted evidence that Moffatt had been advised by J B Tyrrell that there existed no rapids of any significance in that reach.
Particular 1.
Points 1 and 2 (below) compare Moffatt’s journal entry (his last) for 13 September with the Sports Illustrated editor’s version of it [SI article, lower right column on p 82].
One sees that the SI editor redacted the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route from Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September. That phrase shows first that Moffatt had obtained Tyrrell’s advice for that reach, second that he was following it.
Should this redaction be believed to have been accidental, I point out that it falsifies the editor’s assertion …the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds. … In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [bottom right of p 76, for the period after 16/17 August].
Particular 2.
Points 5 and 6 (below) compare the SI condensation (a faithful one) of Lanouette’s journal for the day of the tragedy with Grinnell’s version of it [Grinnell book, p 202].
One sees that Grinnell redacted, and replaced by an ellipsis, the passage This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids into Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids.
Does anyone believe this redaction to have been accidental?
Comment.
And so, as I remark several times in this manuscript, it then concerns me that the Sports Illustrated and Grinnell had certainly corresponded [SI article, p 88].

Comments regarding the accusations.
On the basis of no evidence known to me (and none was provided), every defamer who wrote about the tragedy asserted the cause of Moffatt’s death to be rather one or more of those discussed in Appendices 1 through 8. It seems necessary to state that an assertion by a previous defamer is not evidence.
Few of those eight accusations had any support in evidence when they were made. Many of them fly in the face of easily available contrary evidence to the contrary. And every such accusation is falsified by the evidence in toto.
The prime example is James Murphy’s Lack of food, proper equipment and most importantly, lack of a planned itinerary, contributed to his demise. [Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 and 11].
I find it worthy of explicit mention that this accusation was made in Murphy’s review of Grinnell’s book.
1. In that book, Grinnell documents a plethora of food from the land and also from the cache in the six weeks before the tragedy. Reference. Appendix 6. Food.
That is, there was no lack of food. In fact, there was not even a shortage of food on the whole; the truth is rather that the party was hungry at times, gorged at others.
2. I believe that George Luste would have been much angered to learn that his recommendations for gear appropriate for paddlers circa 1996 had been used to defame Moffatt, who died in 1955. Reference. Appendix 3. Equipment.
3. The evidence regarding the schedule (Murphy’s planned itinerary) is contradictory, as I document in Appendix 7. Schedule.
Summary. In constructing his case against Moffatt, Murphy ignored evidence that falsifies his accusations.

The evidence regarding the fatal rapids.

Outline.
I repeat that Tyrrell’s book makes no mention of the fatal rapids below the portage, which was completed in the morning of 14 September. Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Outline. I provide the following paragraphs.
1. Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September.
2. The Sports Illustrated editor’s version of Moffatt’s entry for that same day.
3. The assertions of the Sports Illustrated editor.
4. Participant Lanouette’s full journal entry for 14 September.
5. The SI condensation of Lanouette’s journal entry for that day.
6. Participant Grinnell’s version of that condensation.
7. Private correspondence from Lanouette.
8. The evidence of participant LeFavour.
9. The evidence of participant Pessl.
10. A comment of Luste.
11. Analysis.
12. Additional evidence.
13. Summary.

1. Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September.
Note. I lack access to Moffatt’s journal entries for 11 and 12 September, but I have no reason to believe that they contain anything relevant to the tragedy.
Moffatt’s journal for 13 September.
The following is the complete text of Moffatt’s journal entry for the day before the tragedy, as kindly supplied by Pessl (with (?) indicating faint, uncertain words on my copy).
Off at 10:15 across outlet bay [of Wharton Lake], Skip caught 3 trout, then down 15 foot very swift rapids, no rocks but very rough. Took water, had to bail. Following Tyrrell’s route, down 6’ rapid, back in (?) map, lunch 2 fish chowder, 2 hardtack. Then along island, water in channels, very fast, no looking it over, about 5 miles of it. Sun out more than for 6 days, but spotty. Pulled into bay by esker, I found good dry portage while canoes unloaded above last very rough + rocky part of rapid. I carried canoe across to little valley below bay, where we camped. Others portaged while I cooked huge glop, fish and bully, pudding + tea. Then, in darkness, I made last portage trip for load of wood, (?), 2 poles. Thought of wolves. Saw none!
Good distance today, Marjorie Lake tomorrow.

Comments regarding this last entry made by Moffatt in his journal.
1. Please note in particular the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route.
2. The 15’ and 6’ rapids are documented in J B Tyrrell’s book, as is the portage (of 400 yards).
3. But please note that JBT’s book makes no mention of the rapids below the portage; it was in these rapids that Moffatt died. Reference. Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
4. The portage was completed in the morning of 14 September; after a break for lunch (at which time the party added 20 lb of trout to the already considerable food supply), the party continued downstream toward Marjorie Lake.
5. I ask that the reader compare the above with the following.

2. The Sports Illustrated version of Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September.
The following is the complete relevant text on page 82 (lower right column) of the Sports Illustrated article.
[On September 11, the Moffatt party, having traveled with snow squalls and wind in their faces all day, reached Wharton Lake. The following morning the weather was better than it had been for a week, although the skies were spotted with clouds. After a portage around rapids, Art Moffatt wrote “I cooked fish and bully, pudding and tea. Then, in darkness, I made the last portage trip for a load of wood, my packsack and two poles. I thought of wolves on the way but saw none. Good distance today. Marjorie Lake tomorrow.” And this was the last entry Art Moffatt was to make in his diary.]
The redaction.
One sees that the SI editor redacted the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route.
To me, that phrase is the key to understanding the tragedy, for it shows that Moffatt was only following Tyrrell’s guide when he chose to run the fatal rapids without a scout.
I suggest that only the most credulous could believe that redaction to have been an accident, a slip of the pen.
And I suggest it to be no coincidence that the redacted passage falsifies both Assertion 1 and Assertion 2 (below) of the editor.

3. The assertions of the Sports Illustrated editor.
I ask that the reader reflect on the relevance of the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route to the following assertions (the parts regarding rapids) of the Sports Illustrated editor.

Assertion 1.
Increasingly, the men were taking chances. They now shot down churning chutes of white water, which, a month earlier, they would have scrutinized with a doubtful eye. [top of right column, p 82].

Already nine days behind schedule, the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds. The days grow colder, provisions dwindle, game grows scarce. In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [bottom right of p 76, for the period after 16/17 August].

Responses to the rapids parts of Assertions 1 and 2.
As they apply to rapids above those where Moffatt died, both assertions are falsified by the evidence provided in Appendix 8. Other rapids.
With respect to the fatal rapids, both assertions are falsified by the evidence that Moffatt was only following J B Tyrrell’s advice when he ran the fatal rapids without a scout.
And so I suggest it to be no accident, no slip of the pen, that the editor redacted the passage Following Tyrrell’s route… from Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September.
And, given that Lanouette’s evidence (provided below) falsifies all of the editor’s Assertion 1 and much of her/his Assertion 2, perhaps the editor failed to read that evidence.
I refer the reader to Ancillary 1. Accusations for a fuller discussion of the accusations regarding the fatal rapids.

Response to the food part of Assertion 2.
The statement game grows scarce is falsified by the evidence of Moffatt’s journal, which documents the shooting of five caribou in the six weeks before the tragedy, the last on 5 September.
It bears mention that Moffatt’s journal documents also the shooting of many ptarmigan, the catching of many fish (three species), and the harvesting of blueberries and mushrooms, all in those six weeks. Reference. Appendix 6. Food.

4. Lanouette’s full journal for 14 September..
The passage that follows (the one relevant to the onset of the fatal rapids) is excerpted from his journal for 14 September, as provided in Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
The journal itself is not publicly available and so I express my gratitude to Lanouette (Moffatt’s bowperson) for making it available to me; I hope that the padding community as a whole is similarly grateful for his generosity.
We had a rather satisfying lunch of chowder and three hardtacks (or ‘tacks) apiece and were ready to shove on again around 2:30 or 3:00. The weather was still dismal, although the wind had dropped (I think) almost to a complete calm.
The river flowed on rather swiftly and it was but a few minutes before we heard and saw another rapids on the horizon. (Notes – at this time, Art figured we had shot the last 2 rapids into Lady Marjorie and so we were not anticipating anything more along this line – actually, what we had taken for rapids were only riffles and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids). At the top, these rapids looked as though they would be very easy going – a few small waves, rocks … nothing serious – so much so that we didn’t even haul over to shore to look it over before proceeding as was customary. The river at this point was straight and we could see both the top and foot of the rapids quite clearly – however, although we didn’t realize it, we couldn’t see the middle, even though we thought we could – at any rate we barrelled happily along. We bounced over a couple of fair-sized waves and took in a couple of splashes but I didn’t mind, as I had made an apron of my poncho and remained dry enough. I, as was my habit, was looking a few feet in front of the canoe, looking for submerged rocks – suddenly, Art shouted “Paddle” – I responded and took up the beat, at the same time looking farther ahead to see what it was we were trying to avoid – to my complete surprise, what I saw were two lines of white, parallel to one another and coming closer with every passing instant – I looked at them in helpless fascination, not altering my stroke any. The lines of white were the crests of two huge waves formed by the water as it crashed over 2, 3 or 4’ ledges or falls). Note: it was too late to pull for shore – all we could was to pick what seemed to be the least turbulent spots and head for them.

Comments.
Lanouette was surprised because J B Tyrrell had advised the party that there existed no rapids of consequence between the portage (the one completed in the morning of 14 September) and Marjorie Lake.
As I document in Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt, J B Tyrrell’s book makes no mention of the fatal rapids. Those rapids are mentioned in the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence, which suggests however that they are a matter of no concern. I refer the reader to the evidence of LaFavour, as provided in Item 7 below: …the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. That correspondence is clearly an item to be pursued; I hope to find the opportunity to do so.
Summary.
Following Tyrrell’s advice, which had proved reliable for many weeks previously, Moffatt continued downstream without a scout, to his death.

5. The Sports Illustrated condensation of Lanouette’s journal for 14 September.
A condensation of Lanouette’s journal entry for 14 September was reported in the SI article of 1959 (the very first publication regarding the tragedy). The following is excerpted from page 85.
After a fine lunch of fish chowder, we shoved off again at around 2:30. The weather was still dismal, although the wind had dropped. In a few minutes we heard and saw rapids on the horizon. This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids.
At the top, the rapids looked as though they would be easy going, a few small waves, rocks—nothing serious. We didn’t even haul to shore to have a look, as we usually did. The river was straight and we could see both the top and foot of the rough water quite clearly, or we thought we could. We barreled happily along. We bounced over a couple of fair-sized waves and took in a couple of splashes, but I didn’t mind as I had made an apron of my poncho and remained dry enough. I was looking a few feet in front of the canoe for submerged rocks when Art suddenly shouted “Paddle.”

1. The interested reader will verify that the above is a faithful condensation of Lanouette’s journal, as provided in Item 4.
2. The interpretation of the passage is clear to me:
Moffatt had possessed prior information regarding the fatal rapids. From that information (which came from J B Tyrrell), he concluded that the rapids were of no concern, and so he ran them without a scout. Unfortunately, Tyrrell’s information was incorrect.
3. Many of Moffatt’s defamers in the matter of the fatal rapids are known to have possessed the SI article (this from the content of their accusations, some regarding other matters), but not one of them mentioned Lanouette’s exculpatory text, which lay in plain sight in the SI article.
4. Worthy of special mention in this respect is the Sports Illustrated editor her/himself, who not only omitted mention of the passage, but also made accusations falsified by it. Yet worse, the editor redacted the exculpatory passage Following Tyrrell’s route from Moffatt’s journal for 13 September.
5. Summary.
The evidence of Lanouette, as published in the Sports Illustrated condensation of his journal, demonstrates that Moffatt had full reason to believe that the coast was clear to continue downriver without a scout.
But not one defamer in this matter mentioned the exculpatory evidence of Lanouette’s journal, which lay in plain view in the SI article (which was used by them to make other accusations). Did they not act in unseemly haste?

6. Grinnell’s version of the condensation of Lanouette’s journal.
Grinnell provided the following version of Item 5.
In a few minutes we heard and saw rapids on the horizon… [paragraph break]
At the top, the rapids looked as though they would be easy going, a few small waves, rocks—nothing serious.
[Grinnell book, 1996 edition, p 202]
One sees that Grinnell redacted the exculpatory passage
This surprised us. Art had figured we had already shot the last two rapids before Marjorie Lake. Actually, what we had gone down were only riffles, and what lay ahead was the real beginning of the first rapids from the condensation of Lanouette’s journal [Sports Illustrated, p 85, middle of right column] and replaced it with an ellipsis.
This passage tells me that Moffatt (and so Lanouette) had been told by J B Tyrrell there were no more significant rapids above Marjorie Lake.
Hypothesis.
Grinnell redacted the key passage This surprised us…first rapid because it showed that Moffatt had been misled by Tyrrell’s advice.
Follow-up material.
1. Several accusers are known to have been misled by Grinnell’s redaction.
2. The same three exculpatory sentences were redacted also in the 2010 edition of Grinnell’s book [p 207].
3. Pessl disputes many remarks in Grinnell’s book. Especially noteworthy here is Grinnell’s thinly veiled suggestion that Moffatt was suicidal, this with reference in particular to the running of the fatal rapids without a scout.
4. As I documented above, the Sports Illustrated editor also redacted exculpatory evidence regarding Moffatt’s decision to run the fatal rapids without a scout. And so it concerns me that the two had certainly corresponded (perhaps met in person) before the publication of the SI article in 1959; I refer here to page 88 of that article.

7. Private correspondence from Lanouette.
Comment. Thanks to Lanouette for these email messages and for permission to publish them.
1. …he [Pessl] and Art had studied them [J B Tyrrell’s journals] carefully before setting out and notations from the journals had been made on Art’s maps. [17 January , 2015].
2. I can assure you that, at the time of the accident, there was no sense of panic. But after recovering from that experience, we certainly focussed in getting as much mileage behind us each day. [17 January, 2015].
3. Certainly there was no panicky, helter-skelter paddling down the river to reach Baker Lake. [20 March, 2015].
Comment. I am uncertain regarding the times to which the remarks no sense of panic and no panicky…paddling are intended to apply.

8. The evidence of LeFavour’s article.
For completeness, I quote again LeFavour’s comment His [Tyrrell’s] journal had been accurate to that point, namely the start of the fatal rapids. [Private correspondence, 2015]

The source for the following is LeFavour’s article in the Evening Recorder, Amsterdam NY. Part 3, page 8, 29 December (1955)].

13 September.
…As we sped through Wharton Lake only the occasional snow flurry fell, an incentive not a deterrent. Up to that point we had shot five caribou and by doing so had saved enough meat to see us through. Now it was not even necessary to spend time hunting. We traveled, and traveled hard.
The river between Wharton and Marjorie Lakes split up into three channels. The longest of these
[the rightmost] had been traveled by Tyrrell in his trip 60 years before and was described in his journal: there were five rapids, the first two rough but shootable, the third long and heavy requiring a portage of a mile [”400 yards” in Tyrrell’s book] and the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. Because this route was described we took it, being careful to look over the first two which were indeed rough. Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken.
Analysis.
1. Tyrrell’s remarks regarding the first two rapids and the portage square with those of participant LeFavour.
2. The first key passage is the last two apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. I say that this passage is key because these are the rapids where Moffatt died. I should mention that this advice came from the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence, rather from Tyrrell’s journal/book (which makes no mention of them).
3. The second key passage is Hurrying as we were, no foolish chances were taken.
I ask that the reader compare this with the Sports Illustrated editor’s assertion
…the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds… In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [SI article, bottom right of p 76]

14 September.
A cold breeze blew the morning of the 14th. Thankful for the chance to keep warm by walking we completed the portage around the third rapid and at noon, under the watchful eye of four wolves lounging on a nearby ridge we set off downriver. By two we had stopped to eat a lunch which included hot soup cooked on a sweet smelling dwarf birch fire. Gas was precious, and the constant gathering required to keep the fire going helped to warm our cold feet. Here too, we fished, and after 20 pounds of trout were caught we gave up for the water was freezing in the eyes of the rod. It was cold, there was no doubt about that.
At 3 p.m. we were again on the river. Gone was the wind, and we hoped to get a good way up Marjorie
Lake in the calm before dark. A mile downriver the roar of the next rapid reached our ears, a roar which had become familiar and comforting in this quiet land, a roar which in the past had promised excitement. As we coasted into the top of it all appeared to be well. You could see the bottom, the water, though white, was apparently shootable. Tyrrell had indicated by his neglect that the rapid was an easy one, and it seemed to be just that.
A flock of ptarmigan on the shore caught my eye, but soon we were past them and out in midstream. It was then that Skip and I noticed that Art and Joe in the lead canoe were having trouble. They were over! We saw the two huge waves, walls of white water which seemed almost five feet high. Pete and George had made the one, were heading for the second, and then we saw nothing but the unavoidable waves. We were into it!

Comment.
The objective having been accomplished (namely to document how the tragedy came to pass), more out of respect for the participants, I terminate LeFavour’s account here.

Analysis.
The key passage is … Tyrrell had indicated by his neglect that the rapid was an easy one, and it seemed to be just that. In full agreement with the evidence from other sources (in particular, the condensed version of Lanouette’s journal (SI article, pp 85-87), this passage evinces that, in choosing to run the fatal rapids without a scout, Moffatt had only followed J B Tyrrell’s advice. Given that Tyrrell’s journal makes no mention of these rapids, LeFavour must refer here to the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.

A minor point.
Sub-Appendix 2. The Tyrrell-Moffatt route between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake discusses the passage The river between Wharton and Marjorie Lakes split up into three channels. The longest of these had been traveled by Tyrrell in his trip 60 years before.

Closing comments.
1. Although Moffatt’s defamers could not have been expected to know of the Evening Recorder article, it does falsify their accusations.
2. I thank LeFavour for providing it and for permission to reproduce it.

9. The evidence of Pessl.

Passage 1.
After completing a short portage, loaded the canoes and continued our dash down the river. It was cold and windy, the sky was overcast and we stopped at frequent intervals to warm our feet and legs.
[We] approached what we thought must be the last rapids with confidence and impatience. Art stood up … looked ahead, and … drove his canoe for the middle of the flow. … The next thing I saw as we shot around the bend was a white wall of huge waves. … Beyond the thundering waves, the yellow camera box and Art’s gray canoe bobbed crazily in the rapids below.
[Canoe&Kayak, May 2012 issue, p 48, right column].

Passage 2.
That’s the other lesson I learned, says Pessl. To be patient. If we had just been patient and confident, if we hadn’t been in such a headlong rush that we didn’t stop to scout the rapid, we would have been fine. It’s very hard to do that, in the grip of panic, but it would have made all the difference. Art would have been with us, his life …. Pessl pauses. When it comes down to it, even with everything that happened, we were so close. [Canoe&Kayak, May 2012 issue, p 102?, left column].

Passage 3.
The tragedy of September 14, when Art Moffatt died, occurred, in my opinion, … , because Art and I tried to concurrently accomplish two mutually exclusive objectives: canoe travel and documentary filming of that journey. The demands of these opposing goals delayed and distracted our commitment to river miles. Art and I remained tragically stubborn in our commitment to filming the journey, even in the face of serious and obvious deterioration of the weather. [Nastawgan, Summer issue, 2013, p 5].

Passage 4.
The weather grew harsh. Freezing temperatures, wind-driven snow, dwindling food supplies, and deteriorating equipment pushed us hard to travel faster and more efficiently, and ultimately we made a fatal mistake. We approached the rapids entering Marjorie Lake with caution, but without an onshore look. Standing up in our canoes as we floated toward the rapids, we saw a modest current sweeping toward a right-hand bend and drove our canoes into that initial current V. [Pessl book, p XVII.]

Passage 5.
The tragedy of September 14 occurred, in my opinion, not because of Art’s alleged mental instability or some sort of Zen nonsense, but because Art and I failed to accurately translate our collective Albany River experiences to northern big-river conditions, especially into late-season, freezing conditions, and because we tried to concurrently accomplish two mutually exclusive objectives: travel and film. …we did not differentiate between what worked on the Albany River and what would not work in late season on the Dubawnt.
The deteriorating weather…changed our modus operandi from cautious land-based scouting of rapids to a floating assessment as we were sucked into the headwater Vs of each successive rapid. It worked for several days and many rapids, except for one.
Somewhere between the robotic distance grinds of… and the tragic disregard for time, distance, and season of the Moffatt leadership (and I include myself I that category), there must be a reasonable balance for wilderness canoeists on long journeys…
[Pessl book, pp 172&173].

Comment regarding passages 2 through 5.
To me, Pessl’s remarks are those of an introspective person still trying, after 59 years, to come to terms with the tragedy; for publishing those remarks, I suggest that he deserves our deep respect.

Passage 6.
Pessl (kindly and most frankly, both as ever) responded as follows regarding an email message of mine.
I understand the confusion, contradiction that the two quotes may create. The quote attributed to me [Excerpt 2] is accurate and comes from a conversation I had with Al Kesselheim when he was preparing to write his C&K article on the Moffatt Dubawnt journey (May 2012). It was a very emotional interview for me; the first time in many years that I shared some of my feelings about Dubawnt ’55. The quote expresses my remorse over Art’s death and my belief, in retrospect, that we should have scouted the Marjorie rapids. My use of the term “panic” was inaccurate, too strong and I regret that. Bruce’s phrase is much more accurate.
But our individual and collective state of mind during those early September days is pretty much conjecture and perhaps mostly semantic after so many years. The much more important question, clearly answered by your detailed research, is WHY we didn’t scout the rapids? And the answer: because we were following Tyrrell’s journal description of the river conditions approaching Marjorie Lake. Tyrrell’s river descriptions had proven dependable previously and indicated benign conditions entering Marjorie Lake following the last portage.
[Pessl, private correspondence].
Opinion.
The passage we were following Tyrrell’s journal description of the river conditions approaching Marjorie Lake, alone and itself, falsifies every accusation made by every Moffatt defamer regarding the running of the fatal rapids.

10. A comment of Luste.
Art Moffatt, following Tyrrell’s notes, was not expecting the rapid in which he swamped and then died. [Luste, in Grinnell’s book, p 284].
Please note the phrase following Tyrrell’s notes. That is, Luste knew (by means unknown) and confirms that Moffatt
had obtained rapids advice from Tyrrell,
was following that advice, and
had been misled by that advice.
Unfortunately, not one defamer mentioned Luste’s exculpatory comment, which appears (it need be repeated) in Grinnell’s book, a prime source for accusations of o’erhasty running of the fatal rapid.
In particular, Grinnell himself (in his own book) had the opportunity to mention Luste’s comment, but failed to do so.

11. Analysis.
1. The Moffatt party possessed information, not provided in Tyrrell’s book, regarding the rapids below the portage. The source for that additional information can be only the Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence, which is known to have occurred but is not publicly available.
2. Those rapids were apparently easy for they were mentioned only as “rapids”. [LeFavour, Ibid.]
3. By the time that Moffatt realized the gravity of the situation, it was too late to bail out and head for shore; they had to tough it out. The rapids grew ever wilder, and despite Moffatt’s considerable experience in running white water, his boat and another capsized, spilling all four into the ice-cold river. The paddlers (one of them later fell into the water) in the third boat were able to rescue the other four, but Moffatt died of hypothermia about an hour later. Luste commented as follows. …one is struck by how close all six came to perishing in the cold water. [Grinnell book, pp 294 & 295].

12. Additional evidence.
1. Referring to food and running rapids, Pessl commented as follows. The protection of our supplies dictates our caution. [Pessl, p 90, 16 August]
2. Moffatt took major precautions to protect also the film and the photographs; after all, these were the main purposes for the trip! Indeed, Moffatt portaged parts of some rapids run by the other two canoes. [Pessl, pp 122 & 124 (search incomplete)].
3. Moffatt’s …decided to portage last 100 yds. of rapid, partly to get warm, also to avoid risk of wetting or hurting film & cameras… as quoted in private correspondence from Pessl; I refer the reader to Appendix 8. Rapids in general.

13. Summary.
Moffatt’s sources regarding the fatal rapids were J B Tyrrell’s book and correspondence with him.
The evidence of Tyrrell’s book (for the reach between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake) is provided in Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt..
The full Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence is presently unavailable, only excerpts.
On 14 September 1955, Moffatt ran the fatal rapids (those below the lunch stop) without a scout because J B Tyrrell had informed him, implicitly, that they were not dangerous.
The evidence of trip participants Moffatt (I refer here to his journal entry for 13 September), Lanouette, LeFavour and Pessl attests that Tyrrell’s rapids information, which had proved reliable for the previous ten weeks, failed Moffatt on 14 September.
The efforts of the Sports Illustrated editor and of Grinnell were outstandingly successful, for their redactions misled the paddling community as a whole, including many prominent members of it, for 55 years regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death.
Every author of every accusation regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death got it wrong. They asserted (only) that the cause was one or more of those discussed in Appendices 1 through 8.
What an ugly chapter in the paddling literature are the accusations regarding the fatal rapids.
Sadly, the eight other chapters of the accusatory literature differ but little.
Even John Hornby (Thelon River, 1927) was treated mildly in comparison.
Reference. Ancillary 1. Accusations.

Sub-Appendix 1. Tyrrell sources.

The expedition of 1893 was led by Joseph Burr Tyrrell (1858-1957) and his brother James Williams (1863-1945).
J W Tyrrell’s book.
Assumed to be a full transcription of JWT’s journal, it is available at the University of Toronto library, in microfiche form. I viewed perhaps 20 pages, but in cursory fashion only. I made no copies. I recall much detail regarding ethnography. I found nothing of interest regarding the scene of the tragedy; and I found no mention of weather as severe as that encountered by the Moffatt party.
I did not pursue the matter because I knew that Moffatt’s primary source for Dubawnt information had been rather J B Tyrrell; in fact, as best I know, Moffatt made no use of this item.
J B Tyrrell’s book.
I assume JBT’s book to be a full transcription of his journal; the latter is not publicly available; it might be held at the Thomas Fisher library at the University of Toronto, but I’ll not pursue the matter.
I assume also that, in the following passage, by report Moffatt means JBT’s book.
…who was kind enough to send, on loan until September 30, 1955, a copy of your report. [Moffatt letter to J B Tyrrell, 14 January 1955].
JBT’s book is held at the University of Toronto library. The kind, helpful staff there generously provided me with copies of page 56 F (upstream of “Doobaunt” Lake) to page 70 F (downstream from Aberdeen Lake).
In Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt, I provide the full text of JBT’s journal for the reach between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake. The interested reader will verify that Tyrrell makes no reference to rapids below the portage 400 yards long. It was in those unmentioned rapids that Moffatt died.
The Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.
The following items evince that Moffatt had corresponded with J B Tyrrell regarding the Dubawnt River, in particular its rapids.
1. Moffatt’s letters of 18 December 1954 and 14 January 1955 to J B Tyrrell, (copies kindly provided by Pessl; not available to the general public). In the latter, Moffatt thanks Tyrrell for his response to the first.
2. LeFavour’s newspaper article of 1955.
3. The Sports Illustrated article of 1959 [Art Moffatt’s Prospectus, p 71].
4. Pessl’s Nastawgan article of 2013 [p 3].
5. Pessl’s book of 2014 [pp 10&176].
Comment. The Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence itself is not publicly available, only references to some of its contents, and a few excerpts. This is an important matter to be pursued, for we would then learn in detail what Tyrrell told Moffatt regarding the fatal rapids in particular. I believe the correspondence to be held at the Thomas Fisher library at the University of Toronto; if so, I hope to access it, one fine day.

Sub-Appendix 2. The Tyrrell-Moffatt route between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake.

The Dubawnt River exits Wharton Lake by two channels, but some waters of the leftmost channel flow into the rightmost, as one sees easily at Toporama and mytopo. BTW, this is the reason for the <em<three in LeFavour’s passage The river between Wharton and Marjorie Lakes split up into three channels. The longest of these had been traveled by Tyrrell in his trip 60 years before.
The topos identify the rightmost as the Dubawnt River.
Moffatt followed Tyrrell’s route, namely the rightmost channel. The corresponding evidence is provided in Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Comment 1. Bill Layman and Lynda Holland chose the leftmost channel in 2001, I don’t know why.
http://www.out-there.com/bill-jl9.htm#Monday July 30
I note that Layman incorrectly identified the leftmost channel as the one where Moffatt died.
Comment 2. After the tragedy, the Moffatt party portaged from Marjorie Lake to Aberdeen Lake, I assume because the rapids below Marjorie are particularly difficult, as described in another publication by Layman (2002)
http://www.out-there.com/bil-riv.htm
Thanks to Les Wilcox for informing me of the latter.

Internal URLs.

Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 2. Holidays.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. The Moffatt-Tyrrell correspondence.
Bibliography.

Appendix 7. Schedule

Major renovations were completed in December 2017 but I expect that warts remain.
Thanks for your patience. Allan

Appendix 7. Schedule.

Summary.
The assertions of the Sports Illustrated editor, James Murphy, Andrew MacDonald and Charlie Mahler, namely that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule (and the like), have no basis in any evidence known to me.
The cause of Moffatt’s death is documented in Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Introduction.
1. The editor of Sports Illustrated article (1959) asserted (provided no evidence) that the Moffatt party had a day-by-day schedule, but was days behind it. And so Moffatt was forced to run the fatal rapids without a scout in desperate haste, to take the ultimate chance, in order to escape the onset of winter.
2. In what were alleged to be reviews of participant Grinnell’s book (1996), James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald asserted that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule and the like. But Grinnell, in that very book, asserted truthfully, repeatedly and consistently that Moffatt had scheduled a date for arrival in Baker Lake (the terminus of the trip).
3. Charlie Mahler asserted that a plodding pace was in part responsible for Moffatt’s death.
4. Eleven independent sources evince that Moffatt had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake: The New York Times, the Manchester Ledger, the Boston Sunday Advertiser, the Winnipeg Tribune, the RCAF, the RCMP, the Baker Lake detachment of the RCMP, the Moffatt family (especially his wife Carol), participant Grinnell (in his book, not his article), participant Lanouette, and participant Pessl.
Absent from this list is the Sports Illustrated article as such.
5. More generally, no barrenlands party (even the Tyrrell 1893 party, whose track Moffatt followed in part) ever had, indeed no such party could have had, a highly prescriptive schedule (the extreme case being a day-by-day schedule). The whims of the weather forbid such; even the Tyrrell party was sidelined on more than one occasion.

Summary.
The evidence, the bulk of which was available to his accusers at the time, begs leave to differ with the assertions of the Sports Illustrated editor, James Murphy, Andrew MacDonald and Charlie Mahler, namely that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule and the like.
The cause of Moffatt’s death is documented in Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Timeline of the schedule-related Moffatt literature.
1959.
Publication of the Sports Illustrated articles. Issues of
9 March 1959 Man against the Barren Grounds (pp 68-76) and
16 March 1959 Danger and Sacrifice (pp 80-88).
Reader responses were posted at
http://www.si.com/vault/1959/04/06/604104/19th-hole-the-readers-take-over
Contents include the New York Times article of 24 September 1955.
1988.
Publication of Grinnell’s article.
Grinnell, George J. Art Moffatt’s Wilderness Way to Enlightenment. Canoe, July 1988, pp 18-21 & 56.
1996.
Publication of Grinnell’s book (first edition).
Grinnell, George. A Death on the Barrens. A true story. Northern Books, Toronto (1996).
The editions of 2005 and 2010 are believed not to have been used in the Moffatt literature.
1996.
Reviews of Grinnell’s book by James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 & 11.
Online version of Murphy’s review. http://www.canoe.ca/AllAboutCanoes/book_deathbarrens.html
2000.
The Tragic Trips…1955 – The Moffat Dubawnt River trip..
Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000, pp 5&6.
2005.
Publication of two articles (identical at first glance) by Charlie Mahler. Contents include comments of Bob Thum and others.
Article 1. Down a Dead Man’s River, Che-Mun. Outfit 122, Autumn 2005, starting on page 4.
http://www.ottertooth.com/che-mun/122/chemun122.pdf
Article 2. Feature Story in the Advanced Paddler section at canoeing.com.
The formerly active URL (provided just in case).
http://www.canoeing.com/advanced/feature/deadmansriver.htm

Paddling in the barrenlands.
1. The purpose of the Tyrrell-Tyrrell party of 1893 was to explore and document lands not before seen by those of European descent.
2. These days, the purpose of most recreational parties is to experience the barrenlands. But some who paddle there do so rather in order to prove something, an act that those who respect the land find distasteful; I provide an example later.
3. The purpose of the Moffatt party of 1955 was none of these. Moffatt went there in order to document the barrenlands, by film, photos and journals. And so the party ad-libed, stopping to photograph the caribou and the artifacts left by the native people, to film the running of rapids, etc, as the occasion arose.
4. Moffatt was fully aware that the party could not dally, for he possessed the weather-related evidence of the books of the Tyrrell brothers, plus other documents.
5. With respect to the schedule, Moffatt had only a tentative arrival date in Baker Lake. It was 15 September, with a grace period of seven days before the air search was started; indeed, the search began on 22 September.
With one eye on the accusatory literature, I mention that Moffatt had chosen not one waypoint to be reached by a particular date.
6. The barrenlands are not Algonquin or Temagami or the BWCAW, for example, where a day-by-day schedule verges on being mandatory. No party paddling in the barrenlands ever had or could have had anything as detailed as a day-by-day schedule. Even the Tyrrell party of 1893 could not paddle every day; inclement weather forced even it to lay over on occasion.
When the wind is up, everyone stays in camp, especially tourists like us.
And so I ask that the reader reflect on the assertions (documented later) of the Sports Illustrated editor, James Murphy, Andrew MacDonald and Charlie Mahler that Moffatt died because of he had no schedule.
7. The Moffatt party had no day-by day schedule, nor could it have had one. But it did have the one essential ingredient, namely a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake, as evinced by the eleven independent sources documented above.
8. Additional material is provided in Sub-Appendix 3. Barrenlands paddling in general and the Moffatt party’s response to the wind.
9. Perhaps the reader is already able to assess assertions that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule and the like.

Moffatt’s preparations.
Moffatt possessed the books of both Joseph B Tyrrell and James W Tyrrell, and
he had obtained copies of JBT’s maps (which show many features, including many rapids and falls), and
he had corresponded with JBT, and
he had obtained a copy of JBT’s journal (which differs from his book; likely the same as his report).
And so I am perhaps justified to conclude that Moffatt was well prepared for the 1955 trip; in particular, I suggest that he knew what to expect of mid-September weather.
Reference. Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Moffatt had told the RCMP representative in Baker Lake to expect the party on 15 September, with a grace period of a week before the air search was begun. I possess no evidence regarding what, if any, information Moffatt had obtained from the RCMP there.

Comparison of dates for the Tyrrell and Moffatt parties.
Sources. Pessl’s book, at the tops of his pages 17, 41, 69, 129 and 144.
1. Entry-exit dates for Dubawnt Lake.
Tyrrell. 7-17 August, 1893
Moffatt. 21-27 August, 1955.
Other dates for the parties are provided in Sub-Appendix 1.
2. Dates for arrival in Baker Lake.
The Tyrrell party arrived on 2 September [Robertson, p 162], continued to the coast of Hudson Bay (at Chesterfield Inlet), then went down it to Churchill (the last part by sled) and beyond. Aside. Pessl [private communication] suggested this to be the source for Grinnell’s false assertion that the Moffatt party was scheduled to arrive there on 2 September.
As noted above, Moffatt’s arrival was scheduled for 15 September, with a grace period of seven days; the survivors arrived on 24 September.

Paddling the barrenlands and proving something.
1. Moffatt.
He was an American pacifist (a Quaker) who volunteered before December 1941 to serve in the British army as an ambulance driver. Under fire in both Africa and Italy, literally for years, he took the wounded and the dying from the front of the battles to the aid stations.
Let the reader decide whether Moffatt had anything to prove when he chose to paddle the Dubawnt.
2. Thum.
Let Bob Thum describe the mission of his 1966 party.
Moffatt is precisely why we took the trip… I thought experienced trippers could cover Tyrrell’s route safely and skillfully, which we did… Those guys had no business being up there… [Thum, in Che-Mun, Outfit 122, Autumn 2005]
Response 1.
To me, it is no great reach to conclude that the mission of the Thum party was to show up a dead man. Opinion. Such grace, such courage.
Response 2.
With respect to Thum’s safely and skillfully, which we did, it is perhaps not beside the point that Thum possessed information not available to Moffatt. In particular, Thum knew the rapids where Moffatt died (those above Marjorie Lake) to be dangerous in the extreme.

Summary of the evidence available to Moffatt’s accusers in the matter of the schedule.
Of special interest for the assessment of assertions that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule are the following four publications, all of which were available to every accuser in the matter of the schedule.

Publication 1. The New York Times article (1959).
Planes flew over the tundra…looking for a trace of a six-man expedition. The group was a week overdue… [New York Times article, dated 24 September 1955. SI article, top left of p 71]
A question.
How might the later assertions of Murphy, MacDonald and others (that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule) have differed had they read the Sports Illustrated article?

Publication 2. The Sports Illustrated article (1959).
Passage 1.
a week behind…schedule [SI article, upper right column on page 76; dated 8 August]
Passage 2.
nine days behind schedule [SI article, lower right column on p 76; dated between 15 and 18 August].
A question.
How might the later assertions of Murphy, MacDonald and others (that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule) have differed had they read the Sports Illustrated article?

Publication 3. Grinnell’s Canoe article (1988).
The introduction contains the passage late in the season and behind schedule. The passage is almost certainly due to the editor, rather than to Grinnell. The source for the part behind schedule is likely the similar remark in the SI article (not referenced in Grinnell’s article).
A question.
How might the later assertions of Murphy, MacDonald and others (that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule) have differed had they read Grinnell’s Canoe article?

Publication 4. Grinnell’s book (1996).
Especially important is the evidence provided in Grinnell’s book, for the most influential schedule-related accusations were published in what were alleged to be reviews (by Murphy and MacDonald) of that book.
In his book, Grinnell wanders aimlessly between assertions
that there was only a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake and
that there was a schedule more prescriptive than an arrival date (say a date for exiting Dubawnt Lake, not that the Moffatt part had such).
But he repeatedly and consistently asserts that the party had a date for arrival in Baker Lake; indeed, he gave the date for that arrival, though incorrectly.
A request.
I ask that the reader assess, in the light of this evidence of Grinnell’s book, the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule, this in what both alleged to be reviews of Grinnell’s book.

Summary of the evidence available to Moffatt’s accusers in the matter of the schedule.
A schedule for arrival in Baker Lake was documented in all four of the earliest publications regarding Moffatt’s death. All four were available to every accuser in the matter of Moffatt’s schedule.
The evidence of Grinnell’s book is of particular importance, for the accusations of Murphy and MacDonald were made in what were alleged to be reviews of that very book.
Unfortunately for the reputation of a person unable to respond, the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald were accepted, indeed promulgated, in the accusatory literature that followed.

The New York Times article (1955).
Comment. The following is the full text of the summary provided above.
On Sept. 24, 1955, the following dispatch appeared in “The New York Times”:
“PRINCE ALBERT, SASK. Planes flew over the tundra of the Arctic region today looking for a trace of a six-man expedition. The group was a week overdue on a 900-mile canoe trip.
Led by a veteran woodsman, Arthur Moffatt, 36, of Norwich, Vt., the explorers had provisions for 80 days. They have been gone 85 days, but officials said there were deer and elk in the area that the men could shoot for food.
The group left Stony Rapids, Sask., en route to Baker Lake, 150 miles south of the Arctic Circle.
[Sports Illustrated article of 1959, top of p 71]
Question 1. What interpretation of the passage The group was a week overdue… is possible but that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake, but was a week or more late in arriving there?
Question 2. Does not this evidence of the New York Times, alone and in itself, refute every assertion (especially those of Murphy and MacDonald) that the Moffatt party had no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake?
Lesser matters.
1. 24 September is the publication date of the NYT article, not necessarily the date when it was written. By chance, it is also the date when the survivors reached Baker Lake.
2. Arrival in Baker Lake was scheduled for 15 September, with a grace period of a week before an air search was begun. Indeed, that search was begun on 22 September.
3. A minor point regarding the trip distance (the 900 miles).
Before the trip started (but after writing his Prospectus, provided on page 71 of the SI article), Moffatt decided to exit at Baker Lake (rather than continue to Chesterfield Inlet), thereby shortening the trip by ~200 miles (~300 km). That is, the figure of 900 miles for the distance between Black Lake and Baker Lake (given in the NYT article and elsewhere in the Moffatt literature) is incorrect.
Reference. Ancillary 4. Distances.
4. Even lesser items: deer means caribou; elk is risible.

The Sports Illustrated article.
Passage 1. a week behind…schedule [upper right column on page 76; 8 August].
Passage 2. nine days behind schedule [lower right column on p 76; between 15 and 18 August].
Interpretation.
What is one to make of these passages but
first that the Moffatt party had a day-by-day schedule, and
second that it was days behind it on two documented occasions?
The evidence.
Nowhere in Moffatt’s journal (possessed in full by the SI editor) exists there a reference to a day-by-day schedule, even so much as a waypoint to be reached by some date (even an approximate one).
Moffatt’s journal documents only that the party was scheduled to arrive in Baker Lake on 15 September, but even this had a grace period of a week.
Again, barrenlands weather forbids a day-by-day schedule.
Again, even the Tyrrell party of 1893 had to stay in camp on occasion.
Comment.
Given its mission to document the barrenlands, the Moffatt party paused in order to photograph the caribou and the items left by the native people, to film the running of rapids, etc. And so, even apart from the constraints imposed by the weather, the Moffatt party could not have had a day-by-day schedule.
A request.
I ask that the reader reflect on the credibility of the Sports Illustrated article.

The assertions of the Sports Illustrated editor.
Assertion 1.
He [Moffatt] was a week behind Tyrrell’s schedule. [SI article, upper right column on p 76, 8 August].
Discussion is provided below.
Assertion 2.
Already nine days behind schedule, the Moffatt party races against winter on the Barren Grounds. The days grow colder, provisions dwindle, game grows scarce. In desperate haste, they take an ultimate chance. [SI article; bottom right of page 76, appearing between the Moffatt journal entries for 15 and 18 August].
Comment 1.
I agree that the days were growing colder (on average), and also that the Moffatt party was travelling in the barrenlands.
Comment 2.
The items provisions dwindle and game grows scarce are addressed in
Appendix 6. Food.
Comment 3.
The items races against winter, desperate haste and ultimate chance are addressed in the following.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Comment 4.
And so we are left with the nine days behind schedule part of the assertion.

Discussion of the schedule-related parts of Assertions 1 and 2.
I have no quarrel with statements that Moffatt knew the record of the Tyrrell party (1893), for such is indeed the case. Reference. Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Key passage 1.
He [Moffatt] was a week behind Tyrrell’s schedule. [Assertion 1]
Interpretation.
The Moffatt party had reached some unspecified waypoint (the entrance to a lake, the exit from one, an esker, or some other prominent feature) on 8 August, ~seven days later than the Tyrrell party.
Key passage 2.
Already nine days behind schedule. [Assertion 2]
Interpretation.
The schedule can be only that of Tyrrell party of 1893.
The main point of the editor’s remark is that the Moffatt party was nine days behind schedule in reaching a second waypoint, also unspecified.
Response to both passages.
The participants beg leave to differ with the Sports Illustrated editor.
The Moffatt party had not even one waypoint to be reached by some date.
It had only a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake, but even this was elastic.

Summary of the schedule-related parts of Assertions 1 and 2 of the Sports Illustrated editor.
Given
first that the Moffatt party had no day-by-day schedule (indeed it could not have had one; even the Tyrrell party of 1893 had none), and
second that the Moffatt party had not even one waypoint to be reached by some date (it had only an arrival date),
the evidence suggests that the Sports Illustrated editor knowingly and falsely represented the track of the Tyrrell party (1893) to be the schedule of the Moffatt party (1955).
It is then perhaps not beside the point that the SI editor redacted the phrase Following Tyrrell’s route from Moffatt’s journal entry for 13 September. [Sports Illustrated, page 82, lower right column].
General comments.
My best efforts failed to obtain full access to Moffatt’s journal; only excerpts are available to me.
But I found that some excerpts provided in the SI article had been severely edited, and that others had been selected to make points detrimental to Moffatt.
Conclusion.
I am unable to trust any content in the SI article that is not confirmed by a source known to be reliable; those sources are identified in the paragraph that follows.
Foretaste.
If I may get ahead of the story considerably, the SI editor redacted the key phrase Following Tyrrell’s route from Moffatt’s last journal entry, that for 13 September.

General comments regarding the evidence of the participants.
The evidence of Moffatt.
I have learned to trust completely the excerpts from Moffatt’s journal as provided by Pessl (in his book and in private correspondence).
I have learned to trust, in the first instance, no corresponding contents of the Sports Illustrated article.
The evidence of participants Franck, Lanouette, LeFavour and Pessl.
I have learned to trust completely the published evidence of all four, and also the contents of private correspondence from them
The evidence of participant Grinnell,
as published in his article (1988) and his book (1996 edition).
I regret to state that I have learned to trust, in the first instance, no content of either Grinnell publication.

Grinnell’s publications and the matter of a schedule.
0. Apart from the Sports Illustrated article (which contains edited excerpts from Moffatt’s journal), Grinnell’s article and his book were the only primary sources (the writing of participants) available for material regarding the schedule.
1. I must repeat that I trust nothing written by Grinnell unless it is confirmed by sources that I know to be reliable.
2. As best I can tell (he is remarkably uninformative regarding the matter), Grinnell uses the term schedule in three senses:
(a) a date only for arrival in Baker Lake,
(b) an arrival date plus something more prescriptive (say even as little as a date to exit Dubawnt Lake),
(c) participant Franck’s registration date.
But he fails to distinguish between them. As best I recall at the moment, he does not refer to the record of the Tyrrell trip of 1893.
3. Grinnell, like Murphy and MacDonald who wrote later, failed to explain what he meant by the term schedule. And that failure matters, for schedule could have several interpretations, as discussed elsewhere.
But Grinnell repeatedly and consistently asserted that the Moffatt party had scheduled a date for arrival in Baker Lake. And, at times, he had in mind something more prescriptive.
The reader will soon see what Murphy and MacDonald made of Grinnell’s evidence.

Interjection. The evidentiary basis of the Moffatt literature.
The publications of participant Pessl (his book includes excerpts from the journal of participant Franck) appeared too late to influence that literature (except in the trivial matter noted elsewhere).
The publications of participant LeFavour are not generally available.
The sole published evidence of participant Lanouette is the edited excerpt (I consider it to be a faithful one) from his journal for 14 September, as published in the SI article. The unfaithful version of that excerpt provided in Grinnell’s book went unmentioned in the accusatory literature.
Summary. The entire accusatory literature is based on three items:
the edited excerpts from Moffatt’s journal as provided in the SI article,
Grinnell’s article, and
Grinnell’s book.
Conclusion. Given that I learned to trust no content of these three publications unless it is confirmed by the evidence of participants Moffatt (but only in journal excerpts provided by Pessl), Franck, Lanouette, LeFavour and Pessl,
it follows that I do not trust, in the first instance, any content of the accusatory literature.

The evidence of Grinnell’s Canoe article (1988).
Grinnell, George J.
Art Moffatt’s Wilderness Way to Enlightenment. Canoe, July 1988, pp 18-21 & 56.

Excerpt 1.
…late in the season and behind schedule, they met disaster. [p 18]
Comment. This assertion appears in the Canoe editor’s Introduction to Grinnell’s article. Also appearing there is a reference to the Sports Illustrated article.
Aside. The Canoe editor was familiar with the contents of the SI article, but s/he made no mention of those contents as they affect the contents of Grinnell’s article.
Conclusion. The unidentified source for the behind schedule part of the Canoe editor’s assertion was the SI editor’s remarks a week behind Tyrrell’s schedule and nine days behind schedule, both of which I discuss above.

Excerpt 2.
We demanded a schedule. Moffatt’s idea of learning to live with nature meant traveling at a rather leisurely pace, but on July 18th, we bowmen…threatened to go on strike if we weren’t provided with a schedule. Moffatt replied that the wind did not blow on schedule. [p 20, top right].
Aside.
Moffatt’s wind remark is addressed below.
Response 1.
Upstream travel on the Chipman River was brutal and so Grinnell’s assertion that the pace was leisurely on that leg is, I gotta say it, absurd. And how could any party, ever, have had a schedule for that leg?
Response 2.
Given that the height of land was crossed only on 17 July [Pessl, p 43], Grinnell’s assertion that, on the very next day (18 July), the bowmen…threatened to go on strike if we weren’t provided with a schedule is well beyond strange, to me anyway.
Again, how was a detailed schedule possible for that reach? And how could the party have gone much faster in the difficult, trying circumstances up to and including 17 July?
Response 3.
Thereafter (until 3 August, when the group held a meeting and decided unanimously to increase the pace), the pace was not leisurely, so that Moffatt could learn to live with nature, as asserted by Grinnell.
Rather, travel was slow in this leg largely so that Moffatt and Pessl could film and photograph; these were the very purposes of the trip!
And it is not beside the point that, on 3 August, the party decided unanimously to increase the pace.
Reference. Appendix 5. Pace.

Excerpt 3.
… we had one last dispute over the schedule…. [p 21, middle of the left column].

Summary.
Excerpt 1 (an editorial insertion) asserts that there was a schedule
Excerpt 2 (due to Grinnell) asserts that there was no schedule.
Excerpt 3 (due to Grinnell) is ambiguous.

Conclusion.
Grinnell’s article provides
both the editorial assertion that there was a schedule,
and what I assess to be weak evidence of Grinnell that there was no schedule.

The evidence of Grinnell’s book (1996).
Comment 1.
Again, the term schedule is far too vague, for it could mean only a date for arrival in Baker Lake, or a day-by-day schedule, or anything between those extremes.
But the distinction is vitally important for an informed discussion
both of the evidence of Grinnell’s book
and of the accusations made by Murphy and MacDonald in their reviews of that book.
I use the term arrival schedule for a date to arrive in Baker Lake, nothing more.
And I use the term prescriptive schedule for a plan that includes something in addition to an arrival date (a waypoint if you like), be it ever so humble (say only a date for exiting Dubawnt Lake, not that the Moffatt party had any such date).
In both his article and his book, Grinnell unnecessarily contributed to the confusion by failing to distinguish possible interpretations of the term schedule. In their reviews of his book, Murphy and MacDonald continued that tradition.
Comment 2.
I had thought that everyone who had paddled in the barrenlands (as had one of Moffatt’s accusers in the matter) knew that the weather (especially the wind) forbids the extreme case of a prescriptive schedule, namely a day-by-day schedule. Even the Tyrrell party of 1893 was forced to stay in camp on several occasions.
Caution.
In the writings of the other participants, I found no confirmation of the following 11 comments of Grinnell. Again, I have learned to place no confidence in anything he writes unless it is confirmed by reliable sources. But, although I distrust all Grinnell statements that follow, I must provide them because were the only items (I hesitate to call them evidence) used by Murphy and MacDonald in making their accusations of Moffatt.
Item 1.
Although we were far behind schedule right from the beginning… [Grinnell book, p 17].
And so there was a prescriptive schedule right from the beginning of the trip.
But wait! What then is one to make of Grinnell’s We demanded a schedule. [Grinnell article, p 20, top right]?
Does the evidence of Grinnell’s book then not refute an assertion of his own article?
Item 2.
(a) …what are your thoughts about Art’s schedule? [Grinnell book, p 57, LeFavour speaking].
(b) What schedule! [Lanouette’s reply].
Interpretation. LeFavour suggested that there existed a prescriptive schedule, but the party was not sticking to it; Lanouette was being sarcastic.
Item 3.
I wanted the assurance that we would eventually reach … Baker Lake on September 2nd, as planned, and a schedule seemed to me to be the best way of guaranteeing that. [p 58].
(a) Interpretation. Grinnell has changed his tune. Now there was no prescriptive schedule, only a planned date for arrival in Baker Lake. Grinnell wanted something more prescriptive.
Aside. 2 September is off by 13 days.
(b) Pessl’s question Is it just a coincidence that Tyrrell arrived Baker Lake on Sept. 2? [private correspondence] alerted me to the possibility that Grinnell had confused (in his writing) dates for the Tyrrell trip with dates for the Moffatt trip; I now believe such to be the case. But I insist that the Moffatt party had a date for arrival in Baker Lake, namely 15 September, as I describe below, in detail.
(c) The main point is Grinnell’s statement that there was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Item 4.
…we bowmen…would go on strike if we were not given a schedule. [p 62].
Interpretation. No prescriptive schedule.
Item 5.
We bowmen were tired of being governed by the anarchy of wind and rain… [p 62].
The anarchy of wind is exactly what Moffatt meant by his remark …the wind did not blow on schedule…. Everyone who has paddled in the barrens (as had at least one accuser in the matter of the schedule) knows that fact and its consequence: When the wind is up, you stay in camp.
Item 6.
This remark, which has no relevance to the Moffatt trip, is included only for completeness.
On Art’s previous Albany trips, things had been run on schedule. [p 68].
Comment. I know of no evidence that supports this assertion of Grinnell. But if one accepts it, then
Moffatt had used a something like a prescriptive schedule previously.
Again, Moffatt could not possibly have had such a schedule for the Dubawnt trip; barrenlands trips differ considerably from those farther south (like the Albany), because no trees means no shelter from the wind.
Item 7.
Skip…seemed to have desired a more civilized schedule, something along the lines of shift work at General Motors…but Art only smiled sweetly and sipped his tea. [p 146].
Interpretation. Pessl wanted a more prescriptive schedule but Moffatt did not have one.
Item 8.
In the last two months, we had fallen about a month behind schedule. [p 162, ~29 August].
Comment. Grinnell changed his tune again. Now there was again a prescriptive schedule, for the party had fallen…behind schedule..
The reference is likely to the remark in item 3 above [p 17; 18 July], but I fail to understand why it was made on ~29 August. To put the matter another way, how are Grinnell’s remarks of ~six weeks earlier relevant on ~29 August?
A relatively minor point. The month estimate is far outside any constraint imposed by reality. Even with time lost due to the tragedy and to the weather, the party arrived in Baker Lake on 24 September, 9 days later than scheduled (two days after the end of the grace period), somewhat less than the month claimed by Grinnell.
Item 9.
…in the early days of the trip, when it first became apparent that we were falling behind schedule… [p 163].
Again. There was a prescriptive schedule from the very beginning of the trip.
Item 10.
On p 166, Grinnell again mentions (indirectly, again incorrectly) an arrival date of 2 September.
Item 11.
…the impending disaster which Art and the rest of us were so obviously courting. [p 167].
Comment. Get a grip, George! There was nothing obvious about the tragedy, even afterward.
Reference. The assertions of James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
Murphy. Lack of food, proper equipment and most importantly, lack of a planned itinerary, contributed to his [Moffatt’s] demise.
MacDonald 1.
As the summer-length trip wore on, and the progress of their three Chestnut canoes lapsed further and further behind schedule, anxiousness and impending climax accompanies the daily accounts.
MacDonald 2.
One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffat.
Source for these assertions. Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 & 11.

Introduction. The schedule-related evidence available to Murphy and MacDonald.
Given that I document fully above the evidence available to Murphy and MacDonald, perhaps I may be excused if I provide here only a few excerpts.
1. The Sports Illustrated article of 1959 provides the two passages
(a) He [Moffatt] was a week behind Tyrrell’s schedule [SI article, upper right column on page 76, 8 August] and
(b) Already nine days behind schedule [SI article, bottom right column on p 76, 15-18 August].
What interpretation of these two passages is possible but that the Moffatt party had a day-by-day schedule or something very close to one?
2. The New York Times article of 24 September 1955 provides the passage Planes flew over the tundra…looking for a trace of a six-man expedition. The group was a week overdue on a 900-mile canoe trip.
What interpretation of this passage is possible but that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake?
3. Grinnell’s Canoe article (1988) provides
weak evidence that there was no schedule, but also
the editorial assertion behind schedule, which evinces that there was a prescriptive schedule at some level.
4. Grinnell’s book provides the passage In the last two months, we had fallen about a month behind schedule. [p 162, ~29 August].
5. Conclusion.
Before writing their reviews of Grinnell’s book, Murphy and MacDonald did not consult
the New York Times article (1955), or
the Sports Illustrated article (1959), or
Grinnell’s Canoe article (1988).
Worse, they failed to read Grinnell’s book carefully enough to notice his In the last two months, we had fallen about a month behind schedule.
A request.
I ask that the reader reflect on the extent to which these failures attest
to the diligence of Murphy and MacDonald,
to their commitment to get the facts straight,
before making their accusations of Moffatt (a fellow paddler), who (need it be said?) was unable to respond.
5. The evidence of Grinnell’s book.

As documented above, Grinnell asserted
first that there was a prescriptive schedule (something in addition to an arrival date in Baker Lake),
then that there was only a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake, and
finally that there was again a prescriptive schedule.
And so the evidence of Grinnell’s book is garbled, indeed self-contradictory, regarding the existence of a prescriptive schedule.
But Grinnell never wavered in one respect. He repeatedly and consistently asserted that was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Next, we see what Murphy and MacDonald made of this evidence of Grinnell’s book, in what were asserted to be reviews of that very book.

The assertion of James Murphy.
Lack of food, proper equipment and most importantly, lack of a planned itinerary, contributed to his [Moffatt’s] demise. [Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, pp 5 & 11.
This was made in what was alleged to be a review of the book Grinnell, George. A Death on the Barrens. A true story. Northern Books, Toronto (1996).
I call this an assertion because Murphy provided no evidence in support of any of its three parts; perhaps I may be indulged for noting that Moffatt was unable to respond to it.
My use of the term alleged is conscious, given that Murphy went well beyond reviewing that book, by making the above assertion regarding the causes of Moffatt’s death.

1. Lack of food.
I ask the reader (come to think of it, I ask also Murphy) to assess Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of food, this made in his review of Grinnell’s book, in the light of the following food-related evidence provided (in Grinnell’s book itself) for the crucial seven weeks (5 August to 14 September) before Moffatt’s death:
Caribou! … hundreds of caribou, then thousands more. … The hunters returned to lead me to their kill… We carried the butchered caribou back to camp and that evening gratefully ate forty-two steaks. [Grinnell book, 5 August, pp 97&98].
Full bellies… [a few days later; p 113].
…picked blueberries…Art’s blueberry “Johnny Cake”…caribou soup…dehydrated mashed potatoes…freshly butchered caribou steaks…full bellies [12 August, pp 115&116].
…we took a holiday to kill our second caribou… [11 August, p 127].
Dinner was a splendid affair: delicious trout, … , the best cuts of meat from the caribou, … , savory mushrooms, … buckets of blueberries … . [After 20 August, p 135].
One day, Art pulled into an island to cook lunch. We were running out of hard tack and other luncheon supplies; so instead of a cold lunch, Art decided to boil up a pot of fish soup, the fish having been caught by Skip that morning. [p 146].
I picked up my .22 and went to shoot a ptarmigan I had spotted. [p 147].
Over the ensuing weeks… we killed our third, fourth and fifth caribous… [p 156].
… I went to hunt some ptarmigan. I killed five with my .22 before running out of ammunition, then killed two more with my hunting knife. [28 August, pp 156 & 157].
…we began to spend more and more time hunting, fishing and gathering berries.. [p 158]
The acquisition of the supplies from the cache, this on 7 September.
As it grew dark…we saw an unfamiliar object ahead. It was a stack of cardboard boxes with cans of dehydrated vegetables inside. …We found some gasoline left in the big blue drum, so we topped up our five gallon tank… [pp 180 & 181].
The reader may wish to consult
Appendix 6. Food for the full evidence regarding the Moffatt party’s supply of food.

2. Lack of proper equipment.
I refer the reader to Appendix 3. Equipment for the evidence regarding Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of proper equipment.
I record here only my belief that George Luste, whom I knew reasonably well, would have been much angered had he known that Murphy had used his recommendations for paddlers circa 1996 to defame Moffatt, who died forty-one years earlier.

3. In passing, I note that Murphy, in his review of Grinnell’s book, devoted much of a paragraph to a discussion of whether Moffatt was a bodhisatva.
At best, Moffatt was a cracked bodhisatva, a partially enlightened being with a fatal flaw. One who is doomed to repeat his mistakes in an endless cycle….
Opinion.
Better use of that space would have been for Murphy to provide evidence in support of his assertions of Arthur Moffatt, who, it seems necessary to say, was unable to respond to them.

4. Demystification.
Later, Murphy’s editor explained that by lack of a planned itinerary, Murphy meant what most of us would lack of schedule. [Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000, pp 5&6].

A request.
I ask that the reader assess Murphy’s assertion that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule in the light of his only documented source, namely Grinnell’s book:
first there was a prescriptive schedule (something in addition to an arrival date in Baker Lake),
then there was only a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake, and
finally there was again a prescriptive schedule.
But Grinnell never wavered in one respect: He repeatedly and consistently asserted that was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.

The assertions of Andrew MacDonald.
Both assertions were made in what was alleged to be a review of the book Grinnell, George. A Death on the Barrens. A true story. Northern Books, Toronto (1996).
My use of the term alleged is conscious, for MacDonald went beyond reviewing Grinnell’s book, in that he asserted that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.

Begin aside.
In passing, I note that MacDonald reproduced two passages from Grinnell’s book, both of which I thought deserving of replies.
MacDonald, passage 1.
Referring to Grinnell, he offered the following:
This sense of humour is exhibited in a comment on Art Moffatt’s abdication of leadership, whose apparent quest for inner peace paralyzed the pace of the trip, and left a void unfilled: “Skip found himself in the difficult position of having become second-in-command to a cup of tea.” [Grinnell book, top of p 146]
Response. Pessl’s book documents that Moffatt did not abdicate leadership at any time. Perhaps MacDonald would have made better use of this space to provide evidence for his assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.
MacDonald, passage 2.
Our only hope of survival lay in living off the land. If we were lucky to run across a herd of caribou, we would probably survive. If not, we should expect the same fate as Hornby, Adlard and Christian, death by starvation. [Grinnell book, top of p 91; the date (not provided) must have been before 4 August, when the first caribou was sighted].
Response. The quote Our only hope of survival…by starvation. is entirely accurate as it stands. But MacDonald omitted mention of the contrary food-related evidence of Grinnell’s book, the very subject of his review. I refer the reader, and particularly MacDonald, to the evidence presented above in my response to the food-related assertion of Murphy.
1. An example of food from the land. Caribou! … hundreds of caribou, then thousands more. … The hunters returned to lead me to their kill… We carried the butchered caribou back to camp and that evening gratefully ate forty-two steaks. [Grinnell book, 5 August, pp 97&98].
2. Food from provisions. As it grew dark…we saw an unfamiliar object ahead. It was a stack of cardboard boxes with cans of dehydrated vegetables inside. …We found some gasoline left in the big blue drum, so we topped up our five gallon tank… [Grinnell book, 7 September, pp 180 & 181].
Reference. Appendix 6. Food.
Suggestion regarding both MacDonald passages.
Perhaps better use of the space available to MacDonald would have been provide evidence in support of his accusations of Moffatt.
End aside.

Assertion 1 of Andrew MacDonald.
As the summer-length trip wore on, and the progress of their three Chestnut canoes lapsed further and further behind schedule, anxiousness and impending climax accompanies the daily accounts. [Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, bottom of p 5.]
Comment. I use the term assertion because MacDonald provided neither source nor supporting evidence.
Question.
What interpretation of this passage is possible but that the Moffatt party possessed a schedule more detailed than a mere date for arrival in Baker Lake?
But wait! What then is one to make of the following MacDonald assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of a pragmatic plan of travel, aka a schedule?

Assertion 2 of Andrew MacDonald.
One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffat. [Che-Mun, Canoelit section. Moffatt, Myth & Mysticism. Spring 1996, last paragraph on p 11.]
Comment. I use the term assertion because MacDonald provided neither source nor supporting evidence.

Demystification. Later, his editor explained that by lack of a pragmatic plan of travel, MacDonald meant lack of schedule. [Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000, pp 5&6].
Rephrasing.
MacDonald asserted that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.

Discussion of MacDonald’s assertions.
1. What is one to make of MacDonald’s passage the progress of their three Chestnut canoes lapsed further and further behind schedule…
but first that the Moffatt party had a schedule more prescriptive than a date for arrival in Baker Lake,
and second that the party was not adhering to it?
2. And what is one to make of MacDonald’s passage One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffat
but that Arthur Moffatt died due to a lack of schedule?
3. Admission. My best efforts have failed to reconcile the two passages.

Discussion of the schedule-related assertions of Murphy and MacDonald.
Item 1. What evidence did Murphy and MacDonald provide to substantiate their claims that Moffatt died because the party lacked a planned itinerary or a pragmatic plan of travel or a schedule?
The answer: None. Murphy and MacDonald made only assertions.
And so I ask. Did Moffatt, the leader of the trip (and a fellow paddler), being unable to defend himself, not deserve that evidence be presented to support the suggestion that he was guilty of his own death?
Item 2. The articles of Murphy and MacDonald were made in what were alleged to be reviews of Grinnell’s book (1996).
I use the term alleged because both went beyond writing reviews, for they asserted that Arthur Moffatt died because of lack of schedule. But the reader will find, in Grinnell’s very book, repeated and consistent references to a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. Indeed, Grinnell asserts there several times that the Moffatt party had a schedule more prescriptive than an arrival date.
Item 3. Murphy and MacDonald used the term schedule vaguely and loosely, failing to distinguish possibilities such as
(i) Something like we’ll arrive in Baker Lake when we get there.
(ii) Only a date for arrival for arrival in Baker Lake.
(iii) A day-by-day schedule such as many parties use in Algonquin, Temagami, the BWCAW and the like.
(iv) Something between the extremes of items (ii) and (iii); examples: perhaps a week-by-week schedule, or a date to enter Dubawnt Lake….
(v) Or whatever else that was in their minds (they declined to be specific).
Item 4. With respect to the possibility of a day-by-day schedule, I mention yet again that no party (recreational, professional, whatever), ever had or ever could have had such a highly prescriptive schedule for travel in the barrenlands. The vagaries of the weather, especially the wind, forbid any such schedule. Even the Tyrrell party of 1893 had no schedule; even it was weather-bound on occasion.
In this connection, the reader might reflect on the fact that one defamer in the matter of the schedule had paddled the Morse River (a tributary of the Back River) and so was no stranger to the barrenlands and its winds.
Item 5. Evidence available to Murphy and MacDonald but not mentioned by them.
(a) The New York Times article states that the Moffatt party was a week overdue in arriving at Baker Lake.
(b) The Sports Illustrated article contains the phrases a week behind Tyrrell’s schedule and Already nine days behind schedule.
(c) Grinnell’s Canoe article contains the editorial comment that the party was behind schedule.
(d) Most importantly of all, in his book (the very subject of the reviews of Murphy and MacDonald), Grinnell asserts repeatedly and consistently that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
And so I ask the reader to consider the schedule-related assertions of Murphy and MacDonald in the light of this evidence of their only source, namely Grinnell’s book.
Item 6. Surely an essential ingredient of a schedule is a date for arrival in Baker Lake. By asserting that the Moffatt party lacked a schedule, do not Murphy and MacDonald then assert that Moffatt’s schedule amounted to something like “we’ll arrive in Baker Lake when we get there”?
Hmmm. The New York Times, the Manchester Ledger, the Boston Sunday Advertiser, the Winnipeg Tribune, the RCAF, the RCMP, the Baker Lake detachment of the RCMP, the Moffatt family (especially his wife Carol), participant Grinnell, participant Lanouette, and participant Pessl, beg leave to differ with Murphy and MacDonald.
Every one of the eleven attests that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. Perhaps one example suffices: The New York Times documents the beginning of the air search.
Item 7. More generally, what did Murphy and MacDonald mean (they did not explain) when they asserted that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule?
Were they asserting that the party had no schedule of any kind (not even a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake), and that the lack thereof was responsible for Moffatt’s death? If so, they are quite wrong, as evinced by the above.
Or were they asserting that the lack of a highly prescriptive schedule (the extreme case is a day-by-day one) was responsible for Moffatt’s death? If so, they are quite wrong, for Moffatt died because he had been misled by the advice of J B Tyrrell.
Or did Murphy and MacDonald prefer to make vague, unsubstantiated accusations that lack of planning was responsible for Moffatt’s death? Only they can inform us of their intentions; they didn’t do so at the time and they are unlikely to help us now.
A request.
I ask that the reader assess the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald, namely that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule, in the light of these evidences, in particular the evidence of Grinnell’s book, the very subject of their reviews.
An unfortunate consequence.
Murphy and MacDonald misled their own editor to assert the following:
Moffat, a seasoned traveller, took a group of young men on a slow and undisciplined trip down the Dubawnt. Their lack of schedule meant they took risks to catchup on time and Moffatt died of exposure after they dumped in a large rapid they did not scout. [Che-Mun, Outfit 99, Winter 2000, pp 5&6].
The tragedy is mentioned also on p 4, but with a slip of the pen.
The cause of Moffatt’s death.
Contrary to the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald, the matter of the schedule played no role in the death of Arthur Moffatt.
Reference. Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

QUESTION. IS THE FOLLOWING NECESSARY?

Review of the Murphy-MacDonald assertions regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death.
Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of proper equipment is addressed in Appendix 3. Equipment.
Murphy’s assertion that Moffatt died due to lack of food is addressed in Appendix 6. Food.
The assertions in question are then the following.
Murphy. lack of a planned itinerary, contributed to his [Moffatt’s] demise.
MacDonald 1. As the summer-length trip wore on, and the progress of their three Chestnut canoes lapsed further and further behind schedule…
MacDonald 2. One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffatt.

The schedule-related assertions of Murphy and Macdonald, confronted by the evidence of Grinnell’s book.
Reminder. Grinnell’s book was the sole source used by both Murphy and MacDonald.
Reminder. Murphy’s assertions that lack of food and lack of proper equipment were also responsible for Moffatt’s death are addressed in the following.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Summary of the schedule-related evidence of Grinnell’s book.
As I document in the paragraph The evidence of Grinnell’s book (1996) (above),
Grinnell asserted
first that there was a prescriptive schedule (something in addition to an arrival date in Baker Lake),
then that there was only a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake,
finally that there was again a prescriptive schedule.
And so the evidence of Grinnell’s book is garbled, indeed self-contradictory, regarding the existence of a prescriptive schedule.
But Grinnell never wavered in one respect. He repeatedly and consistently asserted that was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Nevertheless, in their reviews of that very book, Murphy and MacDonald asserted (that is provided no evidence) that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.

Discussion of the schedule-related assertions made by James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
1. The unstated but clear substance of their schedule-related accusations (I omit discussion here of Murphy’s accusations regarding lack of food and lack of proper equipment) is
that the Moffatt party wasted time early in the trip,
that Moffatt realised only very late that the party had get out fast in order to escape the onset of winter,
and so he threw caution to the winds, being unable to afford time to scout the rapids where he died. That is, both suggest that Moffatt was entirely responsible for his own death, due to his alleged lack of schedule.
In rebuttal, I point out to Murphy and MacDonald that Grinnell’s book (their only source) documents repeatedly and consistently that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Their accusations are called into question also by the evidence regarding Moffatt’s preparations for the trip. From the books of the Tyrrell brothers (and likely also from correspondence with J B Tyrrell), Moffatt was well aware of the weather to be expected in September, as reported in Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
2. Neither Murphy nor MacDonald referred to the schedule-related evidence of three previous publications in which Moffatt’s death is mentioned:
the New York Times article (1955),
the Sports Illustrated article (1959), and
Grinnell’s Canoe article (1988).
On the whole, the contents of these three publications refute the Murphy-MacDonald assertions that Moffatt died because of lack of schedule.
3. More seriously, the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald are refuted by the evidence of their only source, namely Grinnell’s book (1996). I refer the reader to the evidence provided in the previous paragraph.
4. Even today, twenty years after the publication of the Murphy-MacDonald articles, no evidence (as distinct from assertions) has surfaced that the Moffatt party took risks to catchup on time. The evidence continues to accumulate that Moffatt died for a reason unrelated to the lack of schedule alleged by Murphy and MacDonald; I refer here to J B Tyrrell’s maps.
5. Opinion. Given that Moffatt was dead and so unable to respond, perhaps he deserved that Murphy and MacDonald evince their accusations, rather than assert them.
6. Who are Murphy and MacDonald, that they assume the right to judge Moffatt?

Conclusions.
Eleven sources attest that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. I refer the reader to the paragraph The Moffatt party had no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake? below.
In particular, in his book (the sole source used by Murphy and MacDonald), Grinnell asserts repeatedly that the Moffatt party had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake. As well, he asserts several times that the party had a schedule more prescriptive than an arrival date.
Nevertheless, Murphy and MacDonald (in their reviews of that very book), denied that the party had a schedule of any kind, one gathers even so much as an arrival date.
The Moffatt party did not take risks to catchup on time because of a lack of schedule as asserted by Murphy and MacDonald. In particular, the Moffatt party did not panic and so run the fatal rapids without a scout. Indeed, as I remark also elsewhere, the only two dumps of the entire trip occurred in the fatal rapids. And, on the very day that he died, the party completed the portage around the entire rapids immediately above the fatal rapids. Do Murphy and MacDonald (and many others) really expect us to believe that, a few hours later, Moffatt suddenly realised that winter was fast approaching and so decided to forgo a scout?
The cause of Moffatt’s death was not lack of a planned itinerary, or lack of a pragmatic plan of travel, or lack of schedule, as alleged by Murphy and MacDonald. For that matter, neither was the cause lack of food or lack of proper equipment as alleged also by Murphy.
The evidence is rather that Moffatt party exercised due caution at all times, for example in the rapids below Nicholson Lake, those immediately below Dubawnt Lake, those immediately above Wharton Lake, and in particular those between Wharton Lake and Marjorie Lake.
The evidence is rather that the fatal rapids were run without a scout for one reason and one reason only. It is that J B Tyrrell had advised Moffatt that the fatal rapids were of no concern. And I suggest it not beside the point that that rapids advice of Tyrrell had proved reliable for eleven weeks previously. But JBT’s advice failed Moffatt on 14 September 1995.
Reference. Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Murphy and MacDonald suggest that, due to lack of schedule, Moffatt realised only very late in the game that he had to get off the river pdq, and so he threw caution to the winds and ran the fatal rapids in desperate haste without scouting them.
The evidence of Grinnell (as provided particularly in his book), and that of the other participants, begs leave to differ.
Comment.
I find it a considerable temptation, but assess it to be an excerise in futility, to speculate how the Murphy-MacDonald reviews of Grinnell’s book might have differed had either consulted any of the previous literature, namely
the 1959 Sports Illustrated article (with its two references to the schedule of the Moffatt party),
the 1959 New York Times article (with its reference to the start of the air search on 22 September), and
Grinnell’s 1988 Canoe article (which contains the passage late in the season and behind schedule).
On the other hand, perhaps we need not speculate, perhaps the answer is provided already in how Murphy and MacDonald treated the evidence of their only source, namely Grinnell’s book.
References to the cause.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Summary.
Contrary to the assertions of Murphy and MacDonald, Moffatt had scheduled a date (it was 15 September) for arrival in Baker Lake, as evinced by the eleven sources listed in my paragraph The Moffatt party had no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake? Included in that list is Grinnell’s book, the only source used by Murphy and MacDonald.
The Moffatt trip was not of the irresponsible We’ll arrive in Baker Lake when we get there variety, as Murphy and MacDonald suggest.
Given both the vagaries of the weather and the very purpose of the trip (namely to document the barrenlands), Moffatt could not have had, and did not have, a highly prescriptive schedule.
The cause of Moffatt’s death was not lack of schedule as asserted by Murphy and MacDonald. The cause was rather incorrect information provided by J B Tyrrell; his advice had proved correct for something like eleven weeks previously and so Moffatt followed it in the afternoon of 14 September.
Murphy and MacDonald failed Moffatt and the paddling community as a whole, for they made no mention of the contrary evidence (of both the New York Times article and the Sports Illustrated article) that Moffatt had a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
General comments.
1. Are we are to believe that Moffatt left his wife Carol and their two children for months without telling her when he planned to arrive in Baker Lake? Of course he told her. [Carol Moffatt’s telegram to Peter Franck’s father. Pessl, p 141]
2. Are we are to believe that Moffatt did not tell the RCMP of his plan. Of course he told the RCMP. Had he not done so, why was the air search was started on 22 September? [New York Times article, on p 71 of the Sports Illustrated article]
3. Assertions (in particular those made by Murphy and MacDonald) that there existed no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake are refuted by multiple, independent sources. And I suggest it not beside the point that assertions of Murphy and MacDonald were made in reviews of Grinnell’s book, which evidence refutes those assertions.
4. More generally, eleven independent sources evince that there was a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake; all but Grinnell (need it be said) agree that the date was 15 September, with a week’s grace period.
5. Those Moffatt accusers who knew the evidence failed to mention that the Moffatt party had portaged the rapids immediately above the fatal ones.
Is anyone so credulous as to believe that, having that very morning completed a portage, only a few hours later Moffatt was in such desperate haste to reach Baker Lake before freeze-up that he chose to run the fatal rapids without a scout, thereby risking the film, photos and camera, not to mention the lives of all six participants?

References.
Appendix 8. Other rapids.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

END OF QUESTION

The matter of the schedule and Moffatt’s death.

Introduction.
Every accuser (some only implicitly) in the matter of the schedule agrees with the assertion Their lack of schedule meant they took risks to catchup on time….
Interpretation. Moffatt was in such a hurry (indeed, desperate haste according to the Sports Illustrated editor) to reach Baker Lake before the weather closed in that he chose to run the fatal rapids without a scout.
The evidence begs leave to differ.
1. Throughout the trip, Moffatt exercised great care in running rapids, not least to protect the film and cameras. Indeed, he portaged at least one set of rapids (those above Grant Lake) run by the others in order to protect those two items, for which the very trip was undertaken.
2. That care is demonstrated elsewhere, for example in his caution regarding the rapids below Nicholson Lake, the gorge below Dubawnt Lake, and the falls above Wharton Lake.
3. The only two dumps of the entire trip occurred in the fatal rapids.
4. More importantly, in the very morning of the day that Moffatt died, the party completed the portage around the rapids immediately above those where he died.
Do the Sports Illustrated editor, Murphy, MacDonald, Mahler and others really expect us to believe that, no more than a few hours later, Moffatt suddenly realised that the party had get out ASAP, that he panicked and so decided to risk everything, lives included, by running those rapids without a scout, in desperate haste, taking the the ultimate chance in so doing?
The evidence has it that the fatal rapids were run without a scout for one reason and one reason only: J B Tyrrell had advised Moffatt that they were of no concern.
Reference. Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Summary.
Murphy and MacDonald omitted all mention of the schedule-related evidences of
the New York Times article,
the Sports Illustrated article (two items),
Grinnell’s Canoe article,
and most importantly of all, Grinnell’s book (the very subject of their reviews).
Opinion 1. The evidences of these sources refute their assertions that Arthur Moffatt died due to lack of schedule and the like.
Opinion 2. So is destroyed the reputations of defenceless innocents.
On the other hand, perhaps I am being overly judgemental here. Rather, perhaps we have here the ingredients for an opera buffa.

The assertion of Charlie Mahler.

…the Moffatt story unfolds as a tragedy just waiting to happen – indifferent leadership, an inexperienced party, bad chemistry, a plodding pace, and an apparent apathy toward the season closing on them…
References, identical at first sight.
1. Che-Mun. Outfit 122, Autumn 2005, starting on page 4.
http://www.ottertooth.com/che-mun/122/chemun122.pdf
2. Feature Story in the Advanced Paddler section at canoeing.com.
http://www.canoeing.com/advanced/feature/deadmansriver.htm
Comments.
I deal here only with Mahler’s assertion of a plodding pace, which is clearly related to the matter of the Moffatt party’s schedule.
I call this an assertion because Mahler provided no evidence in support of it.
The assertion is addressed also in Appendix 5. Pace and weather, as is the assertion apparent apathy toward the season closing on them…
The evidence.
The pace was certainly slow until 3 August,
in part because of the difficulty of upstream travel on the Chipman River,
in part because time had been spent in documenting the land (the very purpose of the trip).
On that day though, the party decided unanimously to hurry up, and the pace was not plodding thereafter.
Indeed, the evidence suggests to me that, on 14 September, the Moffatt party was on schedule to reach Baker Lake on or about 22 September (when the air search would have begun, indeed did begin).
Reference. Appendix 7. Schedule.
Conclusion.
Contrary to the assertion of Charlie Mahler, the pace was not plodding after 3 August.
Contrary to the suggestion of Charlie Mahler, pace played no role in Moffatt’s death. The cause is identified in Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.

Summary.

The Moffatt party had no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake?
Hmmm,
the New York Times,
the Manchester Ledger,
the Boston Sunday Advertiser,
the Winnipeg Tribune,
the RCAF,
the RCMP,
the Baker Lake detachment of the RCMP,
the Moffatt family (especially his wife Carol),
participant Grinnell,
participant Lanouette, and
participant Pessl,
all eleven of them, respectfully request permission to disagree.

The Sports Illustrated article.
Item 1.
The schedule evidence of the New York Times article was published in the Sports Illustrated article itself. Some may find it amusing that the SI editor made no mention of that item.
Item 2.
Let me remind the reader of the SI editor’s assertions
a week behind…schedule [SI article, upper right column on page 76; dated 8 August] and nine days behind schedule [SI article, lower right column on p 76; dated between 15 and 18 August].
Given that there exists no evidence that the Moffatt party had no day-by-day schedule, the only possible explanation of these assertions is that the Sports Illustrated editor represented the record of Moffatt party (1955) to be the schedule of the Tyrrell party (1893).
The evidence begs leave to differ.
1. The Moffatt party was not following the day-by-day record of the Tyrrell party (1893).
2. As is obvious from even a cursory reading of the evidence (I recommend that of Pessl’s book), the Moffatt party had no day-by-day schedule.
3. Indeed, no barrenlands party, ever, had a day-by day schedule. Even the Tyrrell party was sidelined on occasion.

The schedule-related assertions of James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
Opinion. Murphy’s assertion Lack … of a planned itinerary, contributed to his demise, this made in a review of Grinnell’s book, is refuted by the evidence of Grinnell’s book alone and in itself.
Opinion. MacDonald’s assertion One of the implications of a quasi-religious resistance to a pragmatic plan of travel was the death of Arthur Moffatt, this made in a review of Grinnell’s book, is refuted by the evidence of Grinnell’s book, alone and in itself.

The cause of Moffatt’s death.
The cause was not lack of schedule, as asserted by both James Murphy and Andrew MacDonald.
The cause was not lack of food, as asserted by James Murphy.
The cause was not lack of proper equipment, as asserted by James Murphy.
The cause was not a plodding pace as asserted by Charlie Mahler.
Over the course of 55 years (and perhaps counting), every person who wrote regarding the cause of Moffatt’s death got it completely wrong.
Reference. Sub-Appendices.

Sub-Appendix 1. Dates for the Tyrrell and Moffatt parties.
At the tops of his pages 17, 41, 69, 129 and 144, Pessl provides the following
Black Lake. 7 July (Tyrrell); 2 July (Moffatt).
Selwyn Lake. 16 July; 12-16 July.
Wholdaia Lake. 20 July; 17-25 July.
Hinde Lake. 22-26 July; 28 July.
Boyd Lake. 27 July; 1-3 August.
Carey Lake. 29 July-2 August; 7-8 August.
Dubawnt Lake. 7-17 August; 21-27 August.
Wharton Lake. 22 August; 8 September.
Schultz Lake. 29 August; 22 September.
One fine day, I may attempt to meld these evidences with the other records.

Sub-Appendix 2. 2 September vs 15 September for arrival in Baker Lake.
1. I do not understand why Grinnell does not give 15 September as the planned arrival date in Baker Lake, as given by ten other sources, why instead he repeatedly asserts the arrival date to be rather 2 September (likely not coincidentally the date that the Tyrrell party arrived in Baker Lake [Pessl, private correspondence]).
2. As I document below, Moffatt provided the date of 15 September to his wife, to the other five participants (including Grinnell!) and to the RCMP.
3. Certainly Kingsley was misled by Grinnell’s date of 2 September.
By August 29, three days before they’d planned to complete the trip, they’d travelled half the distance. [Kingsley book, middle of p 188; also Kingsley Up Here article, lower right column on p 90].
Response 1. At the campsite on 29 August, the Moffatt party was 15 miles (25 km) upstream from the end of Dubawnt Lake. On 30 August, it re-entered the river and continued downstream for an unknown distance before camping again. [Pessl, p 111].
Response 2.
Kingsley was misled also by multiple incorrect statement that the Moffatt trip was 900 miles long. I measured
the distance along the Moffatt route (Black Lake to Baker Lake) to be 1095 km (680 miles), and
the distance from the end of Dubawnt Lake to Baker Lake to be 375 km (233 miles).
References.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
The distance from the campsite on 29 August to Baker Lake is then ~250 miles; of course, my point is that 250 miles is much less than half of 900 miles.
Summary. Entirely due to incorrect information provided by others, Kingsley’s statement is incorrect with respect to both time and distance.
4. Sept. 2 certainly had no relevance in terms of expedition planning or announced Baker Lake arrival expectations. [Pessl, private correspondence].
5. Further confusing the issue, in Grinnell’s book only of course, is that 2 September was important for Franck’s registration at Harvard [Grinnell, p 162; Pessl, p 105]. I find Grinnell a bit unclear here: Because Peter had planned to enter his sophomore year at Harvard that Autumn, the September 2nd date was particularly important to him. He would have to travel to Cambridge, Massachusetts and register for classes within a few days of our return.
6. I ‘fess up. I am unable to understand why Grinnell insists that the scheduled arrival date was 2 September rather than 15 September, as given by ten other sources.
7. The only possibility that occurs to me, strange as it no doubt seems.
Was Grinnell being mischievous here, trying to see how many people he could fool,
just as perhaps he was in providing the yes/no/yes evidence regarding a prescriptive schedule,
just as I believe he was just as he was when he claimed I was not the least experienced canoeist, but the most experienced.
I suggest that this possibility not be rejected outright.

Sub-Appendix 3. The Moffatt party’s response to the wind.
1. Moffatt replied that the wind did not blow on schedule [Grinnell article, p 20, top right]. I believe that every recreational paddler with experience on the barrens will agree with Moffatt.
When the wind is up on the barrens, we stay put, for there are no trees to provide shelter. Bring reading material and hiking boots, spend the day cleaning up, repairing gear, resting, telling stories, in short do anything but try to paddle. Of course one can have a week-by-week schedule, or something even less prescriptive. But a day-by-day schedule for travel in the barrenlands is impossible for anyone.
Even the Tyrrell party of 1893 was unable to travel some days. On my to-do list is an examination of the Tyrrell journals, in an attempt to estimate the fraction of days that they did not travel.
2. Lanouette speaks to the matter. Of course we had no day to day plan. Weather played a crucial role in our travels and made such planning impossible. [Private correspondence].
3. The Moffatt party adjusted to the wind by getting up early, especially on Dubawnt Lake, as Pessl and Franck describe in the following passages.
(a) 23 August (on Dubawnt Lake). …we have once again decided on emergency scheduling and will get up at 4 AM if the wind is down, paddle until 8 or so, have breakfast and continue paddling until the wind stops us again. It is interesting to note that these measures initially come from one of the gang, seldom from Art. In any case, I am confident that we will arrive in Baker Lake with plenty of meat on our bones. [Pessl, p 101]
(b) 24 August. Heavy frost … as we shivered out of the sack at 4 A.M. … paddling the entire day with a break at 9 AM for breakfast and another at 2 PM for lunch. Now at 6 PM we have made camp. [Pessl, p 101]
(c) 26 August. Left camp at 5 AM after breakfast… [Pessl, p 103]
(d) 27 August. Questionable winds and general early morning reluctance combined to form another beautiful day in camp. [Pessl, p 104]
(e) 27 August. Another good day, but still a breeze from the south. We could have travelled, but Art declared a day of rest because he wanted to go over to the mainland and see what it was like; what animals he could get pictures of… [Franck, in Pessl, p 105]
(f) 28 August. A fine breakfast … an open water journey … The wind freshened at noon…wait for the wind to lessen… We paddled continuously until 9 PM. [Pessl, p 107]
(g) 29 August. …another “day off” [Pessl, p 108]
(h) 29 August. Windy this morning, so we stayed put. [Franck, in Pessl, p 108]
(i) 30 August. Heavy wind and rain squalls chased us back into the tents this morning… After lunch, skies cleared and we enjoyed one more rare “shirts off” day as we padded the remaining 15 miles across the bay to the outlet of the lake… We are back on the river now… [Pessl, pp 110&111]

Sub-Appendix 4. Evidences regarding the existence of a schedule for arrival in Baker Lake.
Comment. The complete list of evidences is provided above, in the paragraph The Moffatt party had no schedule for arrival in Baker Lake? I provide here comments and text for some items.
Source 1. The New York Times article.
As I discussed above, the NYT article evinces that the party was scheduled to arrive in Baker Lake on 15 September, with a grace period of seven days.
Source 2. The Manchester Ledger.
Article of 23 September 1955.
Six Explorers Missing in Northwest Territory.
Dartmouth college said today six men are more than a week overdue on a 900-mile canoe trip to the barren wastelands of the Canadian North. … Concern was expressed for their safety when they did not check in September 15 as scheduled at a lonely outpost of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. A search was organized.
Comment. Thanks to Lanouette for a copy of the article.
Source 3. Boston Sunday Advertiser.
Article of 25 September 1955.
Six Canoeists Safe in Wilds.
Six canoeists, objects of a wide air search in Canada’s barren eastern Northwest Territories, turned up yesterday in good health at the destination they announced when they set out three months ago on their adventurous journey.
The canoeists…arrived at Baker Lake…yesterday afternoon, the Royal Canadian Air Force announced.
Royal Canadian Mounted Police and RCAF had undertaken search flights along the 700-mile route mapped out by the canoeists at the outset of their journey.
The canoeists left Stony Rapids, Saskatchewan, June 29, … They had expected to reach Baker Lake by Sept. 15.
Moffatt had left a note with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police at Stony Rapids in northern Saskatchewan, giving the party’s projected route. Since then the only clue to the whereabouts was the discovery of a supply cache half way along the proposed route at Dubawnt Lake. The RCMP at Prince Albert, Sask., were notified of the find Friday.
… Details of the canoeists’ adventures and the cause of their being almost 10 days overdue at their destination were not immediately available.

Comment 1. We all wish that the title had been accurate.
Comment 2. Thanks to Lanouette for a copy of the article.
Source 4. Carol Moffatt’s telegram.
Sent on 22 September to Thomas Franck (Peter’s father).
MOFFATT EXPEDITION HOPED TO REACH BAKER SEPT 15. … [Pessl, p 141].
Comment. That the telegram was sent seven days after 15 September suggests that Moffatt told her to be concerned only if she had not heard from him by a week later. The suggestion that Moffatt had arranged a grace period of seven days is confirmed by other sources.
Source 5. Lanouette, private correspondence.
Our ETA Baker Lake: Sept. 15. This in July 1 letter to Carol Moffatt and also verbal to RCMP officer in Stony Rapids.
Winnipeg Tribune of Sat. Sept. 24 headlines missing canoeists. Same paper Monday Sept. 26 says canoeists found; 1 dead, 5 okay. I assume Skip, Bruce or George have actual arrival dates.
Carol M. notified RCMP after we were overdue by several days. Also Lowell Thomas, the most distinguished news commentator of his time, broadcast our tardiness.
At no time in our journey did we hear search planes, but evidently, according to the Winnipeg Tribune, at least one float plane was sent out from Stony Rapids around Sept 23 or 24.
[Lanouette, private correspondence].
Comment. Pessl confirmed that date, also in private correspondence.
Source 6. Grinnell’s book.
As I describe above, in his book Grinnell asserts repeatedly that there was a planned date for arrival in Baker Lake. Nevertheless, Murphy and MacDonald, in their reviews of that of very book, asserted that Moffatt died due to lack of schedule.
Source 7. Pessl’s book.
(a) His …about 25 days left gives 17 September or so (in agreement with 15 September) for the intended arrival date [p 100, 23 August].
(b) On the party’s arrival in Baker lake on 24 September, We were met by Corporal Clair Dent of the RCMP … and were quickly informed that the Air Force and local authorities were to have started a search for us this very day. [p 144].
Comment. Given that the RCMP and the RCAF had already started searches, Dent’s local authorities must refer to an initiative of the RCMP detachment at Baker Lake.

Sub-Appendix 5. Arrival in Baker Lake by the due date?
The evidence suggests to me that, in late August, the Moffatt party was on track to reach Baker Lake within the grace period arranged by Moffatt with the RCMP (that is by 22 September), perhaps even by the planned and announced date of 15 September.
The evidence, part 1.
On 29 August, the party reached Outlet Bay of Dubawnt Lake [Pessl, p 108; also Franck in Pessl, p 109]
To arrive early on the scheduled date of 15 September, the party would have had to travel the remaining 255 miles or so in 16 days; the average of 16 miles (30 km) per day is not such a demanding pace. In fairness though, the party should have expected conditions to deteriorate. In fact, it was weather-bound on 1, 2 and 3 September, and again on 7 and 8 September. On the other hand, it certainly had no reason to expect anything like the storm of 9 September; according to the Sports Illustrated article [p 82, top of right column] (far from the most reliable of sources) hurricane-force winds were recorded in Churchill.
The evidence, part 2.
Even with three travelling days lost due to the foul weather of 1-3 September, three lost due to the storm of 7-9 September and two lost due to the tragedy, the party arrived on 24 September, two days after the expiry of the grace period.
And so I think it likely that, in the morning of 14 September, the party could have reasonably expected to reach Baker Lake within the grace period, that is by 22 September, while at the same time exercising due caution.
A question.
Barrenlands paddlers know now (I believe) to exit well before mid-September.
Should the Moffatt party have expected foul weather in early September? Apart from the storm of 9 September, I believe the answer to be yes, as I document in
Appendix 5. Pace and weather.

Internal URLs.

Foreword and Forum.
Main text.
Appendix 1. Reality.
Appendix 3. Equipment.
Appendix 4. Experience.
Appendix 5. Pace and weather.
Appendix 6. Food.
Appendix 7. Schedule.
Appendix 8. Rapids in general.
Appendix 9. The fatal rapids.
Ancillary 1. Accusations.
Ancillary 2. Lanouette excerpt.
Ancillary 3. Tyrrell excerpt.
Ancillary 4. Distances.
Ancillary 5. Loose ends and the future.
Ancillary 6. Addenda.
Ancillary 7. Moffatt’s Tyrrell sources.
Ancillary 8. Evidence regarding the tragedy.
Bibliography.

Notice.
With the exception of quoted material, copyright to the above belongs to Allan Jacobs.